Minority Health and Health Equity Archive
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Item Diabetes Care in Black and White Veterans in the Southeastern U.S.(2010) Twombly, J. G.; Long, Q.; Zhu, M.; Wilson, P. W. F.; Narayan, K. M. V.; Fraser, L. A.; Webber, B. C.; Phillips, L. S.Abstract available at publisher's web site.Item State-specific prevalence of selected health behaviors, by race and ethnicity--Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, 1997.(2000) Bolen, J C; Rhodes, L; Powell-Griner, E E; Bland, S D; Holtzman, DPROBLEM/CONDITION: In the United States, disparities in risks for chronic disease (e.g., diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and cancer) and injury exist among racial and ethnic groups. This report summarizes findings from the 1997 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) of the distribution of access to health care, health-status indicators, health-risk behaviors, and use of clinical preventive services across five racial and ethnic groups (i.e., whites, blacks, Hispanics, American Indians or Alaska Natives, and Asians or Pacific Islanders) and by state. REPORTING PERIOD COVERED: 1997. DESCRIPTION OF SYSTEM: The BRFSS is a state-based telephone survey of the civilian, noninstitutionalized, adult (i.e., persons aged > or = 18 years) population. In 1997, all 50 states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico participated in the BRFSS. RESULTS: Variations in risk for chronic disease and injury among racial and ethnic groups exist both within states and across states. For example, in Arizona, 11.0% of whites, 26.2% of Hispanics, and 50.5% of American Indians or Alaska Natives reported having no health insurance. Across states, the median percentage of adults who reported not having this insurance ranged from 10.8% for whites to 24.5% for American Indians or Alaska Natives. Other findings are as follows. Blacks, Hispanics, American Indians or Alaska Natives, and Asians or Pacific Islanders were more likely than whites to report poor access to health care (i.e., no health-care coverage and cost as a barrier to obtaining health care). Blacks, Hispanics, and American Indians or Alaska Natives were more likely than whites and Asians or Pacific Islanders to report fair or poor health status, obesity, diabetes, and no leisure-time physical activity. Blacks were substantially more likely than other racial or ethnic groups to report high blood pressure. Among all groups, American Indians or Alaska Natives were the most likely to report cigarette smoking. Except for Asians or Pacific Islanders, the median percentage of adults who reported not always wearing a safety belt while driving or riding in a car was > or = 30%. The Papanicolaou test was the most commonly reported screening measure: > or = 81% of white, black, and Hispanic women with an intact uterine cervix reported having had one in the past 3 years. Among white, black, and Hispanic women aged > or = 50 years, > or = 63% reported having had a mammogram in the past 2 years. Approximately two thirds of white, black, and Hispanic women aged > or = 50 years reported having had both a mammogram and a clinical breast examination in the past 2 years; this behavior was least common among Hispanics and most common among blacks. Screening for colorectal cancer was low among whites, blacks, and Hispanics aged > or = 50 years: in each racial or ethnic group, < or = 20% reported having used a home-kit blood stool test in the past year, and < or = 30% reported having had a sigmoidoscopy within the last 5 years. INTERPRETATION: Differences in median percentages between racial and ethnic groups, as well as between states within each racial and ethnic group, are likely mediated by various factors. According to published literature, socioeconomic factors (e.g., age distribution, educational attainment, employment status, and poverty), lifestyle behaviors (e.g., lack of physical activity, alcohol intake, and cigarette smoking), aspects of the social environment (e.g., educational and economic opportunities, neighborhood and work conditions, and state and local laws enacted to discourage high-risk behaviors), and factors affecting the health-care system (e.g., access to health care, and cost and availability of screening for diseases and health-risk factors) may be associated with these differences. ACTION TAKEN: States will continue to use the BRFSS to collect information about health-risk behaviors among various racial and ethnic groups.Item City gets new prescription for better health: Mayor's Healthy Chicago wellness plan outlines areas needing improvement, strategies to achieve it by 2020(2011) Eng, MonicaVowing to improve the health of Chicagoans and cut the government's soaring health care costs, Mayor Rahm Emanuel went to a sweaty fitness room in Humboldt Park on Tuesday to unveil a comprehensive health agenda that includes a citywide "wellness plan." As part of Emanuel's effort to launch initiatives in his first 100 days, the mayor and Health Commissioner Bechara Choucair presented a Healthy Chicago plan that outlines 12 priority areas — and dozens of measurable health goals the leaders hope to achieve by 2020. The priorities include reduced tobacco use, obesity reduction and prevention, HIV prevention, adolescent health, cancer disparity reduction, better access to health care...Item Explaining Divergent Levels of Longevity in High-Income Countries(National Academies Press, 2011) Crimmins, Eileen M.; Preston, Samuel H.; Cohen, BarneyDuring the last 25 years, life expectancy at age 50 in the United States has been rising, but at a slower pace than in many other high-income countries, such as Japan and Australia. This difference is particularly notable given that the United States spends more on health care than any other nation. Concerned about this divergence, the National Institute on Aging asked the National Research Council to examine evidence on its possible causes. According to Explaining Divergent Levels of Longevity in High-Income Countries, the nation's history of heavy smoking is a major reason why lifespans in the United States fall short of those in many other high-income nations. Evidence suggests that current obesity levels play a substantial part as well. The book reports that lack of universal access to health care in the U.S. also has increased mortality and reduced life expectancy, though this is a less significant factor for those over age 65 because of Medicare access. For the main causes of death at older ages -- cancer and cardiovascular disease -- available indicators do not suggest that the U.S. health care system is failing to prevent deaths that would be averted elsewhere. In fact, cancer detection and survival appear to be better in the U.S. than in most other high-income nations, and survival rates following a heart attack also are favorable. Explaining Divergent Levels of Longevity in High-Income Countries identifies many gaps in research. For instance, while lung cancer deaths are a reliable marker of the damage from smoking, no clear-cut marker exists for obesity, physical inactivity, social integration, or other risks considered in this book. Moreover, evaluation of these risk factors is based on observational studies, which -- unlike randomized controlled trials -- are subject to many biases.Item Racial and Ethnic Differences in the Health of Older Americans(National Academies Press, 1997) Martin , Linda G.; Soldo, Beth J.; Committee , on Population; Commission on Behavioral and Social , Sciences and EducationOlder Americans, even the oldest, can now expect to live years longer than those who reached the same ages even a few decades ago. Although survival has improved for all racial and ethnic groups, strong differences persist, both in life expectancy and in the causes of disability and death at older ages. This book examines trends in mortality rates and selected causes of disability (cardiovascular disease, dementia) for older people of different racial and ethnic groups. The determinants of these trends and differences are also investigated, including differences in access to health care and experiences in early life, diet, health behaviors, genetic background, social class, wealth and income. Groups often neglected in analyses of national data, such as the elderly Hispanic and Asian Americans of different origin and immigrant generations, are compared. The volume provides understanding of research bearing on the health status and survival of the fastest-growing segment of the American population.Item Latino child health: need for inclusion in the US national discourse.(2000) Zambrana, R E; Logie, L AThe "rediscovery" of poverty, as echoed in concepts of social inequality, has contributed to the goal of eliminating racial/ethnic and social class disparities in the United States. This commentary focuses on what we know about the pressing health care needs and issues relevant to Latino children and families and how extant knowledge can be linked to priority policy recommendations to ensure the inclusion of Latino health issues in the national discourse. A systematic review of the literature on Latino children and of expert opinion revealed 4 evidence-based themes focused on poverty: economic factors, family and community resources, health system factors, and pitfalls in Latino subgroup data collection. Consensus was found on 4 priority policy recommendations: (1) reduce poverty and increase access to health care coverage, (2) increase funding in targeted primary and preventive health care services, (3) provide funds needed to fully implement relevant health legislation, and (4) improve measurement and quality of data collection. If these recommendations are not instituted, the goals of Healthy People 2010 will not be achieved for the Latino population.Item Health in the African American Community: Accounting for Health Inequalities(1993) Dressler, William W.African Americans are at a higher risk of having a variety of health problems and have less access to health care than white Americans. This article explores these health inequalities and their explanations. Three conventional models of health inequalities—a racial-genetic model, a health behavior or lifestyle model, and a socioeconomic status model—are examined and found to be insufficient to account for observed disparities. A fourth alternative, termed a “social structural model,” is proposed. In this model, it is argued that the primary index of ethnic status, namely skin color, serves as a criterion of social class in color-conscious societies such as that of the United States. This alters social mobility processes and creates health inequalities for African Americans.Item Race and Ethnicity and Breast Cancer Outcomes in an Underinsured Population(2010) Komenaka, I. K.; Martinez, M. E.; Pennington, R. E.; Hsu, C.-H.; Clare, S. E.; Thompson, P. A.; Murphy, C.; Zork, N. M.; Goulet, R. J.BACKGROUND: The disparity in breast cancer mortality between African American women and non-Hispanic white women has been the subject of increased scrutiny. Few studies have addressed these differences in the setting of equal access to health care. We compared the breast cancer outcomes of underinsured African American and non-Hispanic white patients who were treated at a single institution. METHODS: We conducted a retrospective review of medical records for breast cancer patients who were treated at Wishard Memorial Hospital from January 1, 1997, to February 28, 2006. A total of 574 patients (259 non-Hispanic whites and 315 African Americans) were evaluated. A Cox proportional hazards regression analysis for competing risks was performed. All statistical tests were two-sided. RESULTS: Sociodemographic characteristics were similar in the two groups, and both racial groups were equally unlikely to have undergone screening mammography during the 2 years before diagnosis. Most (84%) of the patients were underinsured. The median time from diagnosis to operation, receipt of adequate surgery, and use of all types of adjuvant therapy were similar in the two groups. Median follow-up was 80.3 months for non-Hispanic whites and 77.9 months for African Americans. After accounting for the effect of comorbidities, African American race was statistically significantly associated with breast cancer-specific mortality (African Americans vs non-Hispanic whites: 26.0% vs 17.5%, P = .028; hazard ratio [HR] of death = 1.64, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.06 to 2.55). Adjustment for age at diagnosis, clinical stage, and hormone receptor status attenuated the effect, and the effect of race on breast cancer-specific survival was no longer statistically significant (HR of death from breast cancer = 1.43, 95% CI = 0.89 to 2.30). After adjustment for sociodemographic factors, the hazard ratio for race was further attenuated (HR = 1.26; 95% CI = 0.79 to 2.00). CONCLUSIONS: In this underinsured population, African American patients had poorer breast cancer-specific survival than non-Hispanic white patients. After adjustment for clinical and sociodemographic factors, the effect of race on survival was no longer statistically significant.Item Addressing Race and Genetics Health Disparities in the Age of Personalized Medicine(Science Progress, 2011) Rugnetta, Michael; Desai, KhusbooThe human genome sequence has been fully completed for a decade now and the price of full genome sequencing is dropping precipitously. Many believe that with these developments, a new era of personalized medicine is about to hit full speed. Personalized medicine is essentially “the use of genetic susceptibility or pharmacogenetic testing to tailor an individual’s preventive care or drug therapy,” although some definitions also include the development of patient outcomes research, health information technology, and care delivery models. Put more simply, it means the development of medicines and therapies tailored to patients’ unique genetic traits and risks. The field is evolving rapidly but many hurdles still remain. Individually tailored drugs based on a patient’s genetic makeup are far off, and the cost of developing drugs for genetic subpopulations with largely similar genetic traits for one or more diseases hinders developments in this arena. Similarly, the lack of standards surrounding direct-to-consumer genetic tests and the lack of robust, large-scale genomic data for many diseases and conditions are additional hurdles.Item Health Reform and Communities of Color: Implications for Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities(2010) UNSPECIFIEDBy 2045, more than half of the population in the U.S. will be a person of color. In general, people of color continue to experience worse access to health care and worse health outcomes than their white counterparts. The economic and opportunity costs associated with disparities are shared by everyone through money spent on preventable medical care and lost productivity in the workplace, among other things. The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, enacted by Congress and signed by President Obama in March, extends health coverage to many of the millions of individuals who would otherwise remain uninsured, and includes several provisions that will either directly or indirectly impact racial and ethnic health disparities. People of color have much to gain from health reform. Although they represent one-third of the total U.S. population, they comprise more than 50 percent of the uninsured.