UMD Theses and Dissertations
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Item Essays on the Impact of Social Influence in Industrial Organization and Political Economy(2020) Dalmia, Prateik; Filiz-Ozbay, Emel; Economics; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This dissertation theoretically and experimentally investigates the impact of social pressures in markets and politics. In the first chapter, I provide a micro-foundation for persuasive advertising of conspicuous goods that can either be made more attractive by greater popularity ("conformist markets") or by greater exclusivity ("snobbish markets"). Consumers are endowed with a latent attribute measuring some aspect of their identity, and a social status implied by this attribute. Consumers wish to signal a high status, and the function of advertising is to render brands a signaling device by linking products with social identity. In a conformist market, I find that advertising increases demand elasticity, inducing firms to converge on low prices, and can be used by a first mover to deter entry and gain monopoly rents. In this setting, advertising creates a cutthroat environment in which only one product can survive. In a snobbish market, advertising reduces demand elasticity, dampens price competition and promotes firm entry. In this setting, advertising can act as a public good to firms, increasing all firms' prices and profits. Additionally, it can lead to asymmetric equilibria where a firm appealing to high status consumers advertises more heavily, capturing a greater market share and charging a higher price. In the second chapter, Emel-Filiz-Ozbay and I consider a moral hazard problem where workers decide how much effort to put into individual projects that can succeed or fail. In our setting, workers may receive feedback about a partner's outcome, and such pay comparisons might influence their effort. We perform a laboratory experiment and find that subjects who failed increase their effort the next round. Moreover, subjects who failed while their partner succeeded increase their effort more than those whose partner also failed -- consistent with an aversion to being behind. We find that this effect is more pronounced for female subjects than male subjects. In the third chapter, Allan Drazen, Erkut Ozbay and I study the potential tension between between intrinsic reciprocity and forward-looking, instrumental motives. We perform an experiment in a political economy context where incumbent officials may have two competing desires. The first is the intrinsic desire to reciprocate to the kind actions of past voters by investing in policies favorable to them; and the second is the selfish desire to be reelected by investing in policies favorable to future voters to signal policy preference congruence with the latter. Our key finding, both theoretically and experimentally, is that when future and past voters do not perfectly overlap, reelection motives may constrain the intrinsic reciprocity of an elected leader to the voters who put her in office, but do not eliminate it entirely.Item LEARNING TO LOVE THE AUDIENCE: How Journalists and Newsrooms Adjust to Audience Inclusion and Engagement(2019) Assmann, Karin; Steiner, Linda; Journalism; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This study examines how institutional change in the news industry, in particular empowerment and inclusion of the audience, affects journalists. How does minding the audience, interacting with readers or viewers and engaging with them at various stages of the news production process, make journalists feel about their jobs, themselves, their workplace and their audience? How might this outcome affect journalistic output? Answering these questions is a contribution to the discourse about the future of journalism practice in a hostile economic environment. Through in-depth interviews with 131 journalists and newsroom managers in four newsrooms, with 22 audience engagement editors in 20 newsrooms and with 15 consultants and audience analytics providers, as well as through observation in three newsrooms, I offer empirical data exploring the increasingly normalized practice of audience engagement in traditional newsrooms that are trying to find sustainable business models in a news industry marked by increasing corporate ownership and austerity measures. interacting with audience members on social media platforms to in-person events. I find that journalists, tasked by their editors and newsroom management to engage with the audience on social media platforms, often view audience engagement as an exercise solely meant to generate revenue. Poorly articulated and communicated strategies leave many journalists feeling cynical and burdened with labor that they consider to be part of a marketing or promotions department’s responsibility. Women journalists in particular experience the demands of audience engagement as requiring literally dangerous exposure of their private lives to a frequently hostile public. This dynamic is compounded by journalists’ awareness of the precarity of their position, a sentiment that easily slips into resentment toward newsroom management and owners. For all stakeholders involved – journalists, industry consultants, newsrooms and scholars – I recommend seeking clearer definitions of all agents in the journalistic field. Implementing audience engagement strategies without agreement about the definition of “audience” and “engagement,” or about the purpose and desired end of engagement, is counter-productive. Without a better understanding of what the audience means to journalists, editors, newsroom managers, publishers and owners, the search for new business models will not advance.Item The International Political Economy of Fascism(2018) Wasser, Matthias; Korzeniewicz, Patricio; Sociology; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This dissertation focuses on the intersection between security, governance, and the international economic system in the interwar period - constructing an analytic narrative to explain why so many states adopted the policy prescriptions of the radical right, which states did so, and what form these prescriptions took. While many new authoritarian states were established in the 1920s - and Fascist Italy was not the only one where radical right activists played a major role in regime consolidation - the ends pursued by these states were largely traditional. In the wake of the Great Depression, however, the difficulties in simultaneously attaining full employment, freedom of labor, and profitability forced capitalist states to adopt active macroeconomic policies - and, in turn, either move left, assigning labor a significant role in governance, or right, repressing organized labor. The fascist and “para-fascist” regimes which would be established in the 1930s would represent a renegotiation - whether brokered from within democratic or extra-democratic politics - between these conservative elites and fascist activists. Although the balance between the two would differ from place to place - from especially strong movement activists in Germany to especially strong traditional elites in Japan or Balkan royal dictatorships - all of these new compacts represented a willingness of the conservative elites to turn their back on economic and geopolitical liberalism forever. Which path elites chose to take, I argue, depended upon their positionality in the world economy. High-mobility fractions of capital were concentrated in the leading states, could discipline governments through exit, and benefited from a worldwide open market economy. Low-mobility fractions of capital, by contrast, especially those attached to semiperipheral states, needed to discipline governments through monopolies on voice. Further, relatively richer economies at the core of the world-system were in a better position to compromise with labor. This process resulted in a polarization within countries and in turn a polarization among countries - in favor of a relatively more liberal and international capitalism as against a relatively more nationalist and state-monopoly variant of capitalism.Item Broken City: Race, Property, and Culture(2018) Casiano, Michael; Parks, Sheri L; American Studies; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)Broken City: Race, Property, and Culture is an interdisciplinary study situated within the fields of urban history, African American Studies, and ethnic studies that examines Baltimore City during a period that roughly spans the late-nineteenth century to the mid-1950s. Using archival sources and close readings, this study examines city law, newsprint, popular culture artifacts, public health periodicals, reform publications, and social scientific production to narrate how, during this period of massive urban growth, theories of black life and culture manifested in city policy around the question of property and its regulation. This dissertation’s contribution to similar studies around the question of black geographic exclusion and containment is to highlight the ways that property controls—and the bases of municipal power itself—were bound up in the intentional criminalization, pathologization, and destruction of black communities, all of which were justified by persistent cultural critiques of black fitness for civil life centered on gendered and sexualized assumptions. The dissertation’s interrelated local investigations narrate social dramas that both exhibited culturally-specific interpretations of black life and precipitated institutional mandates guided by—or reproductive—of those interpretations. One investigation analyzes the discourses of black deviance that animated Baltimore’s crusade against the “cocaine evil” in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century to demonstrate how municipal power grew during this period to account for Jim Crow-era investments in disciplining black Baltimoreans and white desires to justify residential exclusion. Another investigation charts how, in the city’s racial covenants, black people became indexed as “nuisance,” a legal maneuver that allowed developers and white homeowners to categorize black people as a hazardous land use whose exclusion was protected under property rights. All told, these investigations demonstrate how, in Baltimore, the basis of municipal power and development, rooted in the protection and maintenance of property, was and continues to be based in the containment of black life through cultural prescriptions of black deviance.Item Re-imagining secondary education: Voices from South African academic and vocational secondary education programs(2014) Balwanz, David; Klees, Steven; Education Policy, and Leadership; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)Global discourse on secondary education and vocational skills development offers a narrative which emphasizes increased use of standardized testing; a focus on science, technology, business knowledge, and vocational skills development; and identifies expansion of access to secondary and tertiary education as a solution to poverty, inequality, and unemployment. In South Africa, academic and vocational secondary education is largely shaped by this discourse, which is grounded in the assumptions of human capital theory and privileges the perpetuation of an elite model of secondary education. Apartheid-era practices of racial segregation and racial capitalism, while legally dismantled, still have a significant influence on the political economy of modern day South Africa. This influence includes the distribution of power, resources, and opportunities articulated through South Africa's public education system. This study draws on critical social theory and political economy to understand existing constructions of academic and vocational secondary education in South Africa, including how these constructions dialectically relate education to work and society. The purpose of this study is to allow grassroots voices, teachers and learners at two schools in marginalized communities in South Africa, to "talk back to discourse" about the purpose of secondary education. How do learners and teachers define purpose? Many see secondary school as a place for students to learn about themselves and education as a means to realizing their dreams, even if their dreams are only, as yet, partially formed. This study offers a humanistic counter-narrative to the dominant discourse by sharing the dreams and holistic development interests of learners and the hopes and frustrations of teachers as they learn and work within an inhumane and narrow construction of education, work, and society.Item Why Was Mongolia Successful? Political and Economic Transition in 1990-1996(2012) Chuluunbat, Narantuya; Reuter, Peter; Public Policy; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)Mongolia's historical, geographical, political, and economic circumstances seem to be closest to those of the Central Asian states. Yet, unlike these states, Mongolia was able to successfully transition to a democratic political regime and introduce far-reaching economic reforms. This dissertation analyzes this puzzle by focusing on the early transition period in Mongolia. The dissertation provides detailed account of political and economic processes during the ten years from 1987 to 1996. The account of events is based on primary data drawn from government and party documents, cabinet minutes, daily newspaper accounts, memoirs of the participants, and detailed interviews with the participants of the events. In addition to the detailed description, the dissertation provides alternative theoretical frameworks - as opposed to the structural explanations provided thus far - which could be useful in explaining why things happened the way they did in Mongolia. Namely, the dissertation brings in two groups of political economy theories - institutions and constitutional design and special interest and collective action theories -and attempts to explain the events in Mongolia through the lens of these theoretical arguments. The first chapter provides a comprehensive literature review on Mongolia's political and economic transition and places it in a comparative perspective. The second chapter describes and analyzes the nature and extent of the partial economic and political reforms that were implemented in the late communist period. The third chapter describes in detail the political events that led to the collapse of the long-standing communist regime and the subsequent radical political changes that took place following the peaceful "democratic revolution". The fourth chapter deals in detail with the economic shock the country faced with the withdrawal of the Soviet financial assistance, the first policy response, and the overall politics of economic decision making. I pay special attention to privatization, the cornerstone of early reform attempts. The last chapter summarizes, classifies, and prioritizes the variety of factors - historical, external, political, institutional, and cultural - that were identified as having contributed to the successful political and economic transition.Item THE DEVELOPMENT OF GLOBAL EDUCATION POLICY: A CASE STUDY OF THE ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF EL SALVADOR'S EDUCO PROGRAM(2013) Edwards, Donald Brent; Klees, Steve J.; Education Policy, and Leadership; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)The Education with Community Participation (EDUCO) program began in El Salvador in early 1991, near the end of the twelve-year civil war. It not only represented an extreme form of decentralization in that it transferred the responsibility for hiring, firing and supervising teachers to rural communities, but it was also the first reform of its kind in Latin America. During the ensuing 20 years, the program has received tremendous attention. Indeed, within the country it became the central program through which the education sector was rebuilt and expanded in the post-war era of the 1990s and 2000s. Internationally, the program has been widely recognized as a successful and desirable example of community-level education management decentralization. In fact, the program has become a "global education policy" in that it has been and continues to be recognized, promoted and adapted around the world. To date, however, the majority of research on this program has been a-historical in nature and has focused narrowly on whether the program "worked" - statistically speaking and with regard to such outcomes as student achievement. In contrast, in this dissertation, I analyze the dynamics of how the policy was developed. I shed new light on the trajectory of the EDUCO program by focusing, from an international political economy framework, on how the program was developed, scaled up, and internationally promoted. In so doing, I am able to highlight relevant political economic structures that impinge on education reform, as well as the various mechanisms of transnational influence that contributed to its advancement within and beyond El Salvador. In a number of different ways, international organizations are central to the policy development process. Methodologically, I focus not only on the process of development itself, but also on the ways in which actors and forces from multiple levels (local, national, international) interact and intersect in that process. Theoretically, by choosing to analyze EDUCO's origins, I attempt to contribute to our understanding of how (i.e., through which mechanisms of transnational influence) and why certain policies come into existence and subsequently go global.Item Empirical Essays in Comparative Institutional Economics(2007-05-02) Mukashev, Yerzhan Bulatovich; Murrell, Peter; Economics; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)Essay 1 investigates an empirical link between institutional variables and the performance of firms based on cross-country firm-level survey data. Current empirical evidence based on this type of data is unsatisfactory because employing survey responses as direct measures of institutional concepts and using those to analyze the effects of institutions at the firm level would limit the researcher to findings only within countries effects. This happens at the expense of losing inherent cross-country variation in institutions. Essay 1 offers a simple conceptual framework that decomposes survey responses for each firm into the average of their country and a residual firm-specific component. Importantly, the estimation results indicate that both variations have clearly different effects on growth of sales of firms. Essay 2 estimates the causal effects of economic shocks on the incidence of politically destabilizing events. The estimation is difficult due to the joint endogeneity between economic growth and events related to the political environment, which is addressed by the instrumental variable method. The variation in oil prices is used as an instrument for economic growth in the sample of small oil importing economies during 1960 - 1999. In contrast to a common belief and OLS estimates, the most striking finding of the IV estimation is that higher economic growth has a strong and robust positive effect on the incidence of relatively peaceful unrest such as demonstrations, strikes and riots. Essay 3 studies the question of differences in economic growth rates between Democratic and Republican governorships in the United States. The question is difficult to answer by simply comparing growth rates because the party affiliation is not randomly selected during elections. The empirical analysis employs the Regression Discontinuity Method to address the endogeneity in the party control variable. Focusing on very close elections permits the generation of quasi-experimental estimates of the impact of a "randomized" change in party control at the 50 percent threshold. When comparing Democratic with Republican governorships, the results are suggestive about the possibility of slightly worse performance of Democratic governors but the lack of statistical significance does not fully support this evidence.