History Theses and Dissertations
Permanent URI for this collectionhttp://hdl.handle.net/1903/2778
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Item The "Europa-Gedanke" and the Transformation of German Conservatism, 1930-1955(2019) Klein, Joshua Derren; Herf, Jeffrey; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)The following dissertation is a political-intellectual history of German conservatism and national identity from the 1930s to the 1950s. It explores the published and private documents of prominent conservative intellectuals, propagandists, journalists, and military elites who before, during, and after the Second World War developed a new concept of European nationalism which they called the “Europa-Gedanke,” or “Europe-concept.” This dissertation traces the evolution of this political ideology by assessing what Europe meant for these thinkers, how this meaning changed over the course of a volatile historical time period, how it differed from other concepts of Europe, and how it informed the transformation of German conservatism. The figures analyzed in this dissertation had in common a professional and intellectual trajectory that began in the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar period. Part 1 of this dissertation dissects their path to intellectual complicity in National Socialism and the propaganda apparatus behind Hitler’s “New Order of Europe.” Part II traces their postwar professional rebirth as widely publicized journalists and influential military reformers in the first decade of West Germany. Surprisingly, after 1945 these figures were able to bridge their European ideology with the postwar Christian Democratic politics of European integration and anti-Communism. This alliance opened the door for liberals in West Germany and the American intelligence community to accommodate a previously hostile milieu into their postwar liberal politics. The primary thesis of this dissertation is three-fold: a) the conservative Europe-concept is a hitherto neglected and dismissed ideology which was highly influential across all three examined time periods of German history; b) this influence was a result of the Europe-concept’s explicit reformulation of the enduring German völkisch tradition in such a way that expanded the definition of the historical ethnic community (from Germany to Europe) and thereby addressed the perceived political inadequacy of nationalism during and after the Second World War; and c) the Europe-concept contributed to the de-radicalization of German conservatism by assisting a transition from the anti-democratic Conservative Revolutionary impulse to the postwar West German politics of liberal democracy – a convergence that moderated the instinctive illiberalism of German conservatism.Item Staging an Empire: How Late Victorian Theatre Represents Public Perceptions of the British Empire(2019) Appleton, Nicholas Ryan; Raianu, Mircea; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: STAGING AN EMPIRE: HOW LATE VICTORIAN THEATRE REPRESENTS PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE Nicholas Appleton, Master of Arts, 2019 Thesis Directed By: Mircea Raianu PhD, Assistant Professor of History This thesis denotes the changing perception of the British empire among the general populace during the late Victorian period. By placing the plays of Dion Boucicault and Gilbert and Sullivan into the larger historical context, this thesis also comments on the larger historiographical debate about the influence of imperialism on popular culture between John MacKenzie and Bernard Porter.Item "LOUD-VOICED LOVERS OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY:" THE AMERICAN AND FOREIGN CHRISTIAN UNION'S MISSIONS TO ITALY DURING THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR(2017) Moyette, Megan; Villani, Stefano; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This thesis explores the motivations behind the American and Foreign Christian Union’s missions to Italy during the American Civil War. The AFCU was a missionary organization founded in New York City in 1849 with the ambitious goal of ridding the world of Roman Catholicism. It was born during a time of nativist fervor when American Protestants saw Catholic immigrants as a threat to American democracy. The AFCU believed they could solve the problem of Catholic immigrants by converting the Catholic world to Protestantism, starting with Italy. The leaders of the AFCU believed the world was engaged in a struggle between Liberty and Tyranny. The war against the Confederacy and the fight to free Italians from the tyrannical Pope were different fronts of the same war. The AFCU entire unsuccessful as a missionary organization. They converted virtually no one. However, their publications were essential to helping American Protestants shape their identity.Item Cosmopolitanism, Mobility, and Royal Officials in the Making of the Spanish Empire (1580-1700)(2017) Polo y La Borda, Adolfo; Cañeque, Alejandro; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This dissertation explores the worldwide mobility of seventeenth-century Spanish imperial officials who traveled around the Americas, Asia, Africa, and Europe. My study focuses on the lower echelon of imperial officials in order to demonstrate how their experiences of service to the king in a variety of locales affected the the governance of the Spanish Empire and how such a polity was imagined by these officials as a global, yet connected and coherent unity. I argue that the officials’ circulation was central for the cohesion and stability of the empire. It allowed the actual and imagined overcoming of the far-flung geography of Spain’s empire and the incorporation, and sometimes exclusion, of diverse subjects across the globe. The intense and extensive mobility of the officials permitted the consolidation of certain imperial political practices, values, and patterns of rule and administration, which played a decisive role in the emergence of a common imperial identity built from the ground up. This imperial identity worked to give cohesion to a polity as heterogeneous as the Spanish Empire. Imperial official’s interactions with very different peoples and cultures spawned a cosmopolitan imperial culture that unified the many cultural, geographic, demographic, and social peculiarities of diverse societies under the umbrella of the imperial mission of enforcement, defense, and expansion of the crown’s rule and spread of Catholicism. This work departs from the traditional national and area models of study by emphasizing the utility of an analytical framework that takes the whole imperial system—and not just one of its component regions—as the unit of analysis, in order to show that the histories of Europe, America, Africa, and Asia were far more entangled than previously thought. Despite the empire’s enormous diversity, extension, discontinuous territoriality, and the near-autonomous status of many imperial outposts, a great number of Spanish imperial subjects saw the empire as an integrated and coherent political unit. I analyze some of the conditions and settings that made possible the global mobility of the officials, and some effects of such circulation in the ruling and political imagination of the empire.Item MEMORY AND RECONCILIATION IN THE SPANISH TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY: 1975-1982(2017) Carias, Sebastian E.; Herf, Jeffery C; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This thesis examines the Spanish transition to democracy from 1975 to 1982. It is an analysis of important political leaders of Spain and important political parties. The research questions are why after the death of the dictator Francisco Franco’s did Spain become a constitutional monarchy? How did the political leaders work together towards a consensus to democratic transition without causing another civil war? I analyze three things: political amnesty of prisoners and exiles, the creation and ratification of the 1978 Constitution, and the rise and success of the Spanish Socialist Party. Ultimately, the political leaders worked together and had a policy of reconciliation to move towards a democratic nation.Item Between Nation and State: Albanian Associations from Ottoman Origins to a Communist Party, 1880 - 1945(2016) Mitrojorgji, Lejnar; Lampe, John R; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.Item Teaching the Empire: Education and State Loyalty in Late Habsburg Austria(2015) Moore, Scott Olen; Rozenblit, Marsha L.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This dissertation examines how Austria utilized its system of public education to develop loyalty to the multinational Habsburg Monarchy from 1867-1918. It draws from a range of sources, including textbooks, pedagogical journals, curricula, school chronicles, school year-end-reports, school inspection reports, and other records related to school administration to show that Austria developed a strong system of civic education which attempted to build a supranational, Austrian identity among its citizens. Its first chapter provides an overview of the Austrian educational system from the eighteenth century to 1914. It also discusses the development of the history curriculum in these schools and illustrates that it possessed a unique ability to serve as a conduit for civic education. The second chapter examines how textbooks and history classes presented Habsburg rulers in a way that portrayed the dynasty as the embodiment of good governance. It shows that such presentations sought to create an interpretation of the Habsburg past that served future rulers while teaching about Austria's history. This chapter is followed by an analysis of how these textbooks and classes used the Monarchy's history to support a supranational, Austrian identity in which its citizens were bound by common struggle and a shared past. Most importantly, this chapter shows that officials sought to create this identity in a way that supported existing local and national identities. The fourth chapter explores how school celebrations and patriotic events reinforced civic education efforts. It proves that there was a strong collaboration between schools and other agencies to create a consistent message about the Habsburg past which strengthened the supranational identity asserted by Austrian civic education. The final chapter discusses the efforts by the Austrian educational bureaucracy to ensure that teachers remained supporters of civic education efforts. Ultimately, this study shows that Austria possessed a nuanced, assertive system of civic education within its schools. This system of civic education attempted to create a layered identity among Austrians which blended loyalty to the imperial, dynastic state while also allowing for regional, and national identities to remain strong.Item Separation and Loss: Sequential Traumatization and the Loss of Family Life Experienced among the Children of the Kindertransports(2014) Stahl, Matthew Christian; Rozenblit, Marsha L; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)Between December 1938 and September 1939, 10,000 Jewish children were evacuated from Nazi territory to the United Kingdom. Approximately ninety percent of these children were never reunited with their families. This thesis draws upon oral histories and memoirs of children from the Kindertransports in order to understand and analyze the traumas they experienced before fleeing from Nazi persecution and as a result of their separation from their parents as well as the factors that most influenced the long-term effects of this trauma.Item THE ADMIRAL'S MASKS: THE STYLIZED REPRESENTATION OF THE SUPREME RULER OF ALL-RUSSA, ADMIRAL ALEKSANDR VASILIEVICH KOLCHAK(2013) Irvin, Dakota; David-Fox, Michael; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)The present thesis seeks to develop a better understanding of how political images and symbols of power were constructed during the Russian Civil War through a textual analysis of the presentation surrounding the leader of the anti-Bolshevik movement in Siberia, Aleksandr Kolchak. The research was based primarily on the collection of microfilmed "anti-Soviet" newspapers available at the Library of Congress, while also expanding on the theoretical contributions of Wortman, Kolonitskii, and Holquist to the study of power in revolutionary Russia. The thesis focuses on the construction of a stylized representation of Admiral Kolchak by Kadets in Omsk, and how his public image was transformed to reflect the ideological goals and beliefs of the White movement. The political mythmaking of the Whites reveal that they, contrary to previous assessments, were fully engaged in propaganda campaigns and that Kolchak himself must be viewed within the wider revolutionary dynamic of emerging "leader cults."Item Christian Social Anti-Semitism in Vienna: A Textual Analysis of "Die Reichspost," 1894-1897(2013) Cohen, Adam Joshua; Rozenblit, Marsha; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This Master's Thesis is a close textual analysis of the anti-Semitic argumentation of the Reichspost, a Catholic and anti-Semitic newspaper associated with the Christian Social Party and published in Vienna between 1894 and 1938. This micro study examines the newspaper from January 1894 through April 1897. During its early years, the Reichspost used economic, social, and political anti-Semitism, religiously motivated Jew-hatred, and historical misrepresentations against Jews and Judaism. In addition, the newspaper justified (but did not call for) anti-Semitic violence. The Reichspost moderated itself by rejecting racial anti-Semitism and leaving the possibility of baptism and conversion open to Jews. Moreover, the newspaper demonstrated state patriotism, dynastic loyalty, and some aspects of "positive" Christianity. The Reichspost molded these seemingly discordant views into consistent ideology with demands for the "re-Christianization" and "de-Jewification" of public life, and doing so differentiated it from racial and radical anti-Semites of its time and of later decades.