History Theses and Dissertations

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    A Force for Reform: The American Presbyterian Mission Press in China, 1836-1870
    (1977) Dove, Kay Lee; Folsom, Kenneth E.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    The American Presbyterian Mission Press (PMP) was a vital, if indirect, force in stimulating intellectual reform in China. During its early years, 1836-1870, the PMP developed technological innovations in the printing of the Chinese language that led to the modernization of the Chinese printing industry, which, in turn, provided textbooks for modern education and periodical literature for the development of public opinion. At the same time, the Press trained a corps of Chinese in modern printing technology, which was then able to apply this training in Chinese private and governmental printing offices. The PMP worked with Chinese printing establishments, selling them Chinese type and assisting them to purchase printing presses and other equipment which was necessary for use with metal movable type. Before the 19th century Chinese printing had become a finely developed art, but by this time, printing technology in Europe and America had modernized, and it was more efficient and less expensive. Type founders and missionaries in Europe and Asia reduced the 40,000-character Chinese language to amanageable number by determining which characters were necessary for printing Christian literature. Then they mass-produced them in metal movable type. The PMP was the pioneer that succeeded in this effort, thereby modernizing China's printing industry and promoting the massive introduction of Western secular as well as religious thought. The modernization of China in general rests upon the modernization of the printing industry, for this development preceded and made possible the reforms which followed it.
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    Clio at College Park: The Teaching of History at the University of Maryland, 1859-1968
    (1978) Ross, Martha Jackson; Rundell, Walter Jr; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    The evolution of the teaching of history at the University of Maryland reflects both the changing role of history as a course of study and the altered status of history as a scholarly discipline. After a succession of history teachers with degrees in English or political science, the first professor with a history Ph.D., Hayes Baker-Crothers, came to Maryland in 1925. Other trained historians followed, but growth was slow. In 1940, President H.C. Byrd hired Wesley M. Gewehr to head the History Department. In the wake of stresses of World War II, dissension between Byrd and Gewehr caused even more neglect than might otherwise have accrued to a "service" department. History appointments, salaries, and facilities all suffered from Byrd's hostility throughout his administration. Four years after Byrd resigned in 1954, Gewehr retired, leaving to his successor, Aubrey C. Land, the task of developing a true university department with the support of the new president, Wilson H. Elkins. With worthwhile objectives but an abrasive manner, Land alienated a significant number of his senior faculty, especially those who had been close to Gewehr. Eventually, Land lost the confidence and support of the administration and withdrew as department head. An interim committee administered the department under the direction of Dean Charles Manning until a new chairman, David A. Shannon, was chosen in 1965. A recognized scholar, Shannon attracted a number of distinguished historians in a variety of scholarly fields before departing after three years. With a faculty of achievement and promise, the University of Maryland moved to capitalize on its advantageous location near the nation's capital to establish a History Department of the first rank.
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    Anglo-American Relations, 1789-1794
    (1976) Mezzullo, Louis A.; Gordon, Donald C.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    The thesis is a study of certain internal and external events that affected the development of Anglo-American relations during the period from 1789 to 1794. It examines the international situation b efore and after the adoption of the Constitution in 1789, aspects of British policy toward the United States during this period, the diplomatic mission of Gouverneur Morris, the struggle in Congress over the resolutions introduced by James Madison designed to discriminate against British shipping, and finally, the events leading up to the appointment of John Jay as envoy extraordinary to Great Britain. The narrative and analysis is based on printed secondary and primary sources. The central theme is that the policy advocated by Alexander Hamilton, and supported by most of the Federalists, was on the whole the one best suited to the strengths and weaknesses, internal and external, of the United States during this early stage in its development. Viewed in a contemporary setting, a policy that sought to avoid war and retain commercial intercourse with Great Britain was not only essential to the success of the financial system erected by Hamilton but also necessary to prevent internal disunity and loss of territory as a result of a disastrous war. The Hamiltonian system rested on credit, and that credit was supported by import duties. By far the largest amount of imports came from Great Britain. Internal disunity, exemplified by separatist movements in the west and in Vermont, was an ever present consideration. The United States was not strong militarily. By remaining at peace, America gained time to reduce the national debt, develop internally, and improve the administration of the national government.
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    The Organization and Use of the Maryland Militia in The Whiskey Rebellion, 1794
    (1978) Rogers, Robin Michael; Bradbury, Miles; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    This thesis is directed at the use of the Maryland militia during the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 in western Pennsylvania. The call for militia, made by President Washington, was not well received in the state. The quota was not tilled, and attempts to fill it touched off riots in western Maryland. These riots made another call necessary, this time made by Maryland Governor Thomas Sim Less. Only Maryland troops were requested, and the quota was filled completely and quickly. The difference in the militia's response is an important part of this thesis because it affords an examination of the condition of federal state relations in the first few years after the ratification of the Constitution. Evidence discussed in this thesis provides material from which several conclusions may be drawn. The examination of the federal and state militia law shows that the federal government was uncertain of its position in attempting to dictate legislation to the states. The state government was uncertain too, about how much it should be dictated to. The result of these uncertainties was a set of weak militia laws that left the responsibility of the obedience to them up the individual militia men. Indeed, the two governments were not only unsure of their positions with each other, but also unsure of their position with the citizens. They were not certain that the citizens would support militia laws, or militia calls. The difference in the militia's response to the two calls also shows that the militia was not certain of its responsibility to answer a requisition. Troops from Maryland were much more concerned with protecting their own state, and possibly homes and families, than they were with protecting the federal government's whiskey excise. Aside from the natural desire for self preservation, the difference indicates that the militia and its leaders were willing to inconvenience themselves for the state, but not for the Union.
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    The British in the Arctic, 1818-1829
    (1971) Lowry, Peter Joseph; Gordon, Donald C.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    This thesis will concern itself with British involvement in the Arctic during the period 1818 to 1829. This study seeks to determine and to explain why the British decided to go into the Arctic after the Napoleonic Wars, what happened in the various expeditions that were sent out, and what results were achieved from such an investigation. Various forces, motives and prominent figures are examined to establish the kind of rationale that induced government to sponsor not only one expedition but to embark upon a sustained and continuing series of exploration in the Arctic regions. A recurrent theme that presents itself throughout this quest - and a notion that had held the minds of men for centuries - was the road to Cathay. In order to achieve this dream, British policy was directed towards the discovery of a north-west passage or, failing that, a quicker route to the east via the North Pole. By 1829 the British had become disheartened in the quest. Again and again expeditions had returned without having achieved their goals. The most immediate and obvious success was, of course, the opening up of the North American continent bordering the Arctic Ocean. The other major achievements were the discoveries and additions given to science.
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    The Failure of the Bank of Bombay, 1840-1868
    (1971) Lovell, Carol Grace; Gordon, Donald; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, MD)
    When the American Civil War broke out and cut off the chief source of cotton to the European trade, the price of cotton rose and merchants and cotton dealers in Bombay were given the opportunity of realizing profits previously unheard of. These profits as they returned to Bombay, produced a plethora of wealth far beyond the requirements of a bona fide trade. Therefore an extraordinary means of investment became a necessity. People came to possess money for which they saw no legitimate vent and so hunted out new schemes in which to invest their money. Diverse, bubble concerns sprang up and Bombay went mad with the spirit of speculation. Shares rose to a price which invariably led to the formation of more, and credit was extended and speculation encouraged. The Bank of Bombay, chartered in 1840, one of the three Presidency Banks of India, played a prominent role in fostering this speculation. Under a new charter, Act X of 1863, which relaxed its previous strict banking code and with weak, unknowledgeable officials as managers who had come under the corruption of Premchund Roychund, the greatest entrepreneur of the island, the bank broke every sound principle of business finance. The Government of India seemingly the protector of the bank, in truth had no effective control over the bank's practices. The panic which followed the cessation of hostilities in America brought about a reaction in prices in Bombay. Buyers could no longer be found for shares in the market place and soon the new companies were forced to liquidate. The Bank of Bombay unfortunately continued to practice unsound banking practices, and kept on advancing money on poor security. Finally in January 1868 the Bank of Bombay went into liquidation. It returned only about one-fiftieth on a fully paid share. A Royal Commission chosen by Governor General Lawrence performed an investigation into the causes of the failure of the bank. The report issued by this Commission condemned the management of the bank and the unorthodox banking procedures granted by the Government Act of 1863, citing the exceptional nature of the times which should have caused more vigilance on the part of everyone concerned with the bank. The new Bank of Bombay, Limited, which was chartered shortly thereafter, flourished, profiting by its predecessor's example and reverting to a strict charter and wise, experienced management.
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    The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, 1946-1948: The Case for the Defense
    (1979) Ware, George W.; Smith, Elbert B.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    Between April 29, 1946 and November 12, 1948 the International Military Tribunal for the Far East convened in Tokyo to try twenty-eight Japanese prewar and wartime leaders accused of war crimes. Eleven Allied countries formed the Tribunal. The International Military Tribunal for the Far East sentenced seven Japanese to death, sixteen to life imprisonment terms and two to terms of seven and sixteen years imprisonment. The primary problem with the Tokyo War Crimes Trial was the nature of the charges against the Japanese accused. Some of the defendants were certainly guilty of the alleged violations of the laws of war. The accused, however, were tried not only on conventional war crimes charges, as recognized by international law, but on ex post facto counts which were unnecessary to attain convictions. The charges of Crimes against Peace and Crimes against Humanity had no basis in international law. The outcome and historical judgment of the trial would appear far different had the Japanese been tried only on conventional war crimes charges. Whether one believes the defendants innocent or guilty of war crimes, the International Military Tribunal for the Far East proceedings were hardly a model of impartiality. The rules of trial procedure, the nature of the evidence and the court's bias in favor of the prosecution precluded a fair trial by American standards. The Tokyo Tribunal, for example, admitted hearsay evidence, permitted leading questions and required testimony by affidavit which prevented cross-examination of the witnesses. If defeated American war leaders had faced trial on the Tokyo standard, the outcry would have been enormous.
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    William Lux of Baltimore 18th Century Merchant
    (1974) Satek, Pamela; McCusker, John J.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    The Williwn Lux Letterbook appears here in edited form, complete with index and preceded by a multi-faceted discussion of various commercial, social and political issues of the eighteenth-century Chesapeake region which are raised by the Letterbook content. William Lux was a prominent merchant of Baltimore Town who wrote these business letters from 1763-1768, chiefly to correspondents in London, Barbados, southern Europe, Philadelphia, New York, and Norfolk. It is apparent that Lux had recently expanded into new trades in the early 1760s, and his records show important exports of wheat and iron to Norfolk which went unnoticed by customs officials at Annapolis. The complicity of customs officials and other assistance from figures of the "planting society" played an important part in fostering Baltimore's rise in the wheat trade. There is evidence that both pre- and post-1763 British imperial measures threatened Baltimore's bright commercial future and provided economic motivations for the leading role the merchants there played in pre-Revolutionary agitation. There is especial analysis here of Lux 's own motivations and impetus into Revolution and the apparent war-profiteering he carried on after 1776. This suggests that possible psychological origins for Lux's trade entrepreneurship may also have predisposed an apparent "conservative, establishment type" toward a revolutionary advocacy of independence from the motherland.
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    The Negro in Illinois Politics, 1865-1870: A Study of the Race Issue in Illinois During Reconstruction
    (1977) Marshall, Arthur Russell; Nicklason, Fred; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    Freedman's rights dominated state politics in Illinois during the Reconstruction years of 1865-70. Illinois was a racist society, and both Democrats and Republicans manipulated racial attitudes to their political advantage . The Democrats, linking the Negro with the Republican party, appealed negatively to white racist attitudes. The Republicans, seeking political dominance through the support of the black vote, used the rhetoric of the "Bloody Shirt," the preservation of the Union's hard-won victory in the Civil War, and the need to punish the South. On the issue of black rights, therefore, the Republican party avoided confronting racial equality, and implicitly substituted the issue of political dominance. By the close of the decade people tired of the black cause. Politicians, perceiving little political advantage in espousing the black cause, dropped the issue. The blacks in Illinois, nevertheless, emerged from the political maneuvering of this period with some political and civil rights they had not previously enjoyed.
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    BLUEPRINT OF THE VIRGINIA STATE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU SCHOOL SYSTEM
    (1976) Joray, Thomas M.; Nicklason, Fred; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    In the late summer of 1861 the American Missionary Association sent missionaries to teach and distribute relief goods to the contraband Negroes at Fortress Monroe. This effort began missions that eventually grew into successful experiments to settle and educate the thousands of refugee slaves that flocked to the Hampton Roads area during the Civil War. During 1862 the missions underwent a difficult period struggling to progress in the midst of active military campaigns and conservative politics. The ability of the contrabands to overcome the difficulties of this early period to establish homes and schools, and labor peacefully on the farms influenced federal policy to carry out emancipation. After the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 Norfolk and Portsmouth became the sites of two experiments to discover a workable method of acquainting the newly freed slaves with free labor status in a complex society. The educational aspect of these experiments led to the development of a system of schools encompassing the student population in the Twin Cities, adjoining experimental farms, the efforts of many benevolent societies, and the army. Two factors set the consistency needed to insure steady progress to develop the schools from infancy. The AMA kept a tight rein on the activities of their missionaries, and the army personnel remained in the system throughout the war period. The resulting systemization of the schools in an urban-rural cross section in the mainstream of the active military conflict cast the mold for a workable system for Postwar Reconstruction. The blueprint became the prototype used to organize the Freedmen's Bureau schools in Virginia. These schools matured into one of the most successful state systems within the Bureau, and made education the most lasting contribution of the Reconstruction era.