BLACK RADIO OWNERSHIP AND THE FCC’S FAILED ATTEMPT TO DIVERSIFY THE AIRWAVES

Abstract

African Americans were effectively shut out of radio station ownership until the 1970s. Discriminatory practices made it virtually impossible for Blacks to acquire broadcast licenses awarded by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). Efforts to address the issue were taken up during President Jimmy Carter’s administration when minority ownership of all broadcast facilities—television and radio—was less than one percent. What resulted was FCC Docket No. 80-90. This technical rule created 689 new frequencies on the FM band with the intent that they would give minorities more opportunities to enter broadcast ownership. While Docket 80-90 was the 90th proceeding taken up by the FCC in 1980, the ideas for Docket 80-90 emerged in the mid-to-late 1970s and were implemented in the mid-1980s and throughout most of the 1990s. Despite its momentous impact, scant scholarly attention has been given to this topic. Using a multimethod qualitative approach based on archives and lived experiences, this dissertation examines the federal government’s efforts to increase minority broadcast ownership by increasing the number of FM radio stations. It assesses the many individuals, groups, and concerned citizens who, in some cases, unknowingly opened pathways to radio ownership for minorities and created public policy. It also tells the stories of nine African Americans who benefited from this FCC rule and became radio station owners in the 1990s. To achieve this, I reviewed more than 7,000 documents at the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), the Jimmy Carter Presidential Library and Museum, and Special Collections in Mass Media and Culture at the University of Maryland. I also conducted 50 oral history interviews. This research also takes a critical look at historiography and the tensions that arise when using archival and oral history methods in writing the story of Docket 80-90. This study is grounded in critical race theory and political economy of the media. To account for the omission of race in this theory, I suggest an elaboration on political economy of the media to consider the specific political economy of Black media because representation matters. Diverse voices, especially those belonging to people who have been historically marginalized, enrich our media systems and provide a more accurate view of the world around us. The African American broadcasters in this dissertation provided job opportunities, introduced new formats to their communities, and emphasized local news and cultural affairs programming and events. Their path to ownership, however, was a difficult one. Access to capital, racism, sexism, and other forms of discrimination plagued their endeavors. Efforts to increase minority broadcast ownership have been stunted and stymied by a convoluted combination of economic policy, judicial rulings and political maneuvering by the party that controls the White House. Since the political will to take definitive action is lacking, I suggest that professional groups create opportunities that not only help Black broadcasters enter ownership but stay there. This includes mentorship and educational programs aimed at avoiding the various pitfalls likely to occur during the first five years of radio ownership when new businesses are most likely to fail.