Future reference 'without' future morphology

Abstract

In some languages, present morphology can be used to refer to non-scheduled future events. Since this form of future reference is constrained to certain subordinate environments, like conditional antecedents (‘If John gets a new job, he played his cards right’) and relative clauses (‘Everyone who gets invited to this party is very lucky’), I propose to call the phenomenon Subordinate Future (SF). Two factors have hindered our understanding of the SF: First, the SF often occurs in modalized sentences, which makes it difficult to tease apart its contribution from that of the environment. Second, present morphology in English can express several readings; therefore, the appearance of this future is not particularly informative. This dissertation brings new intra- and cross-linguistic evidence to bear on the nature and the meaning of the SF. I observe that, in addition to temporal displacement, the SF also introduces modal displacement. Then, I argue that the source of this modality is a subjunctive mood morpheme, which is silent in English, but pronounced in Portuguese. I proceed to decompose the semantics of the subjunctive. I propose that the subjunctive should be treated as a Heimian indefinite (Heim, 1982) ranging over situations. Simply put, the role of the subjunctive is to introduce a situation variable. The motivation for my proposal comes from the behavior of the subjunctive in relative clauses, and from the anaphoric pattern of sentences with the SF. In relative clauses, the SF blocks a specific reading of the DP. Besides that, the SF seems to be able to ‘bind’ the situation variable of predicates outside of its domain of c-command, giving rise to modal donkey anaphora. These two facts would be difficult to reconcile with a quantificational treatment of the subjunctive. I then turn my attention to the temporal interpretation of the phenomenon. As Crouch (1993, 1994) observed, this future is also able to anchor the temporal interpretation of clauses outside of its domain of c-command. I propose that this effect is a byproduct of modal donkey anaphora, and demonstrate how casting my proposal in terms of situations provides a natural account of the phenomenon. I conclude with a comparison between my proposal and existing accounts.