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(DIS)AGREE: MOVEMENT AND AGREEMENT RECONSIDERED

dc.contributor.advisorHornstein, Norberten_US
dc.contributor.authorChandra, Prithaen_US
dc.date.accessioned2007-06-22T05:35:37Z
dc.date.available2007-06-22T05:35:37Z
dc.date.issued2007-04-25
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1903/6855
dc.description.abstractThis dissertation examines Agree, a narrow syntactic, long-distance operation underlying phi-agreement in the grammar. Taking the strong minimalist thesis (cf. Chomsky 2000) as my point of departure, I question Agree on both conceptual and empirical grounds. On the conceptual side, the operation is suspect first for its language-specific character. Second, it also fails to be justified on the grounds of general architectural constraints and legibility requirements. Further, evidences of various long-distance agreement from across languages examined here question the empirical basis for Agree built throughout the previous literature. As far as this is true, I contend that the faculty of language has nothing beyond Merge and Move/Internal Merge, the first being inevitable in any language-like system and the latter necessitated by interface exigencies. My purpose in this dissertation is to show that these two operations suffice to obtain phi-agreement in natural language.en_US
dc.format.extent2059269 bytes
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.language.isoen_US
dc.title(DIS)AGREE: MOVEMENT AND AGREEMENT RECONSIDEREDen_US
dc.typeDissertationen_US
dc.contributor.publisherDigital Repository at the University of Marylanden_US
dc.contributor.publisherUniversity of Maryland (College Park, Md.)en_US
dc.contributor.departmentLinguisticsen_US
dc.subject.pqcontrolledLanguage, Linguisticsen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledAgreementen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledMovementen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledAgreeen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledMergeen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledMoveen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledMinimalismen_US


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