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dc.contributor.advisorLasnik, Howarden_US
dc.contributor.authorFunakoshi, Sayakaen_US
dc.date.accessioned2015-09-18T05:55:27Z
dc.date.available2015-09-18T05:55:27Z
dc.date.issued2015en_US
dc.identifierhttps://doi.org/10.13016/M2FD0T
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1903/17060
dc.description.abstractThe purpose of this thesis is to construct a theory to derive how pied-piping of formal features of a moved element takes place, by which some syntactic phenomena related to phi-features can be accounted for. Ura (2001) proposes that pied-piping of formal-features of a moved element is constrained by an economy condition like relativized minimality. On the basis of Ura’s (2001) proposal, I propose that how far an element that undergoes movement can carry its formal features, especially focusing on phi-features in this thesis, is determined by two conditions, a locality condition on the generalized pied-piping and an anti-locality condition on movement. Given the proposed analysis, some patterns of so-called wh-agreement found in Bantu languages can be explained and with the assumption that phi-features play an role for binding, presence or absence of WCO effects in various languages can be derived without recourse to A/A'-distinctions.en_US
dc.language.isoenen_US
dc.titleA theory of generalized pied-pipingen_US
dc.typeDissertationen_US
dc.contributor.publisherDigital Repository at the University of Marylanden_US
dc.contributor.publisherUniversity of Maryland (College Park, Md.)en_US
dc.contributor.departmentLinguisticsen_US
dc.subject.pqcontrolledLinguisticsen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledBantu languagesen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledlocalityen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledpied-pipingen_US
dc.subject.pquncontrolledWeak Crossoveren_US


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