Linguistics
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Item Adjunct Control: Syntax and processing(2018) Green, Jeffrey Jack; Williams, Alexander; Linguistics; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This dissertation analyzes the syntax and processing of adjunct control. Adjunct control is the referential relation between the implicit (PRO) subject of a non-finite adjunct clause and its understood antecedent, as in the temporal adjunct in ‘Holly1 went to bed [after PRO1 drinking milk]’, or the rationale clause in ‘August1 sat on the couch [in order PRO1 to read library books]’. Adjunct control is often assumed to involve a syntactic ‘Obligatory Control’ (OC) dependency, but I show that some adjuncts also permit what is referred to as ‘Non-Obligatory Control’ (NOC), as in the sentences ‘The food tasted better [after PRO drinking milk]’ and ‘The book was checked out from the library [in order PRO to read it]’, where PRO refers to some unnamed entity. I argue that for some adjuncts, OC and NOC are not in complementary distribution, contrary to assumptions of much prior literature, but in agreement with Landau (2017). Contrary to implicit assumptions of Landau, however, I also show that this OC/NOC duality does not extend to all adjuncts. I outline assumptions that Landau’s theory would have to make in order to accommodate the wider distribution of OC and NOC in adjuncts, but argue that this is better accomplished within the Movement Theory of Control (Hornstein, 1999) by relaxing the assumption that all adjuncts are phases. Even in adjuncts where both OC and NOC are possible, OC is often strongly preferred. I argue that this is in large part due to interpretive biases in processing. As a foundational step in examining what these processing biases are, the second part of this dissertation uses visual-world eyetracking to compare the timecourse of interpretation of subject-controlled PRO and overt pronouns in temporal adjuncts. The results suggest that PRO can be interpreted just as quickly as overt pronouns once the relevant bottom-up input is received. These experiments also provide evidence that structural predictions can facilitate reference resolution independent of next-mention predictions.Item Recalculating Adjunct Control(2011) ODED, ILKNUR; Lasnik, Howard; Linguistics; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)This study investigates properties of adjunct control with a particular focus on Turkish providing an analysis for different types of adjunct control structures such as temporal adjunct clauses and purpose clauses, which have been understudied in Turkish linguistics. In analyzing adjunct control structures, I use Agree-based Theory of Control (ATC) (Landau 2000 and 2004) as a theoretical basis. I introduce a new interarboreal operation that I call Interarboreal Agree which draws upon the intuitions of Nunes (1995) that syntactic relations can be established between two unconnected trees. This analysis refines ATC in that ATC in its current form fails to account for Obligatory Control reading in adjunct control structures. An important overarching theme of this dissertation is the role of Aspect in determining control properties of adjunct clauses. As an example, I account for the structures that I call SOC (Subject or Object Control) structures in Turkish temporal adjunct clauses by assuming that these clauses do not have an Aspect Phrase projection. I also argue that Case variation in languages that have morphologically-dependent secondary predicates, that is to say, secondary predicates that agree with the NP they predicate in Case, gender or number, can be explained by the presence or absence of an Aspect Phrase projection. Aspect properties of adjunct clauses come into play in purpose clauses as well. For instance, in English, control in purpose clauses exhibits optionality in terms of the choice of the controller, which is not the case in the Turkish counterpart of the same type of purpose clauses. I argue that this is due to the fact that English purpose clauses do not have an Aspect Phrase projection.Item Some theoretical issues in Japanese control(2006-12-04) Fujii, Tomohiro; Lasnik, Howard; Linguistics; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of the nature of finiteness and A-movement by looking at control phenomena in Japanese, where verbal morphology sometimes does not help to identify finiteness of clauses. In so doing, the thesis addresses empirical and theoretical questions that arise from analyses of Japanese control and attempts to resolve them. The first part of the thesis, chapter 2, investigates obligatory control (OC) into tensed clauses, where embedded predicates are morphosyntactically marked for tense. Recent findings about the obligatory control/non-obligatory control dichotomy leads to the observation that tensed subordinate clauses that either cannot support past tense or present tense trigger OC and raising. It is proposed that this effect comes from the defective nature of T of such clauses and that this nonfinite T triggers OC and raising. It is shown then that the movement theory of control facilitates to instantiate this proposal and to give a principled account of a wide range of the data. Chapter 3 concerns issues of controller choice with special reference to embedded mood constructions, where mood markers are overtly realized. It is observed that controller choice is systematically correlated with the mood interpretation of complement clauses. While Japanese allows split control in the exhortative mood construction, the language lacks the mood maker that should exist if subject control over intervening objects were possible. The lack of the nonexistent mood marker is derived by the Principle of Minimal Distance. Also, a preliminary movement-based analysis is given to the actual distribution of split control. The final chapter aims to provide an empirical argument for selecting a movement theory of control over PRO-based theories by closely examining backward control and related constructions. While establishing that backward obligatory control exists in Japanese, the chapter shows that the data argue for a copy theory of movement, combined with a particular theory of chain linearization. The hypothesis that economy plays a crucial role in determining how to pronounce chains is shown to explain properties of the classic Harada/Kuroda style analysis of Counter Equi.