Minority Health and Health Equity Archive

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    Health Disparities Beginning in Childhood: A Life-Course Perspective
    (2009) Braveman, P.; Barclay, C.
    Abstract available at publisher's website.
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    Disparities in Infant Health Among American Indians and Alaska Natives in US Metropolitan Areas
    (2002) Grossman, D. C.; Baldwin, L.-M.; Casey, S.; Nixon, B.; Hollow, W.; Hart, L. G.
    Abstract available at publisher's website.
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    Racial and ethnic health disparities: evidence of discrimination's effects across the SEP spectrum
    (2010) D'Anna, Laura Hoyt; Ponce, Ninez A.; Siegel, Judith M.
    Abstract available at publisher's web site.
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    The three leading causes of death in African Americans: barriers to reducing excess disparity and to improving health behaviors.
    (1999) Feldman, R H; Fulwood, R
    African Americans suffer disproportionately from several major health problems associated with high morbidity and mortality. The 1985 DHHS Secretary's Task Force Report on Blacks and Other Minorities identified six major disease categories of excess deaths for African Americans compared with whites by applying the lower death rate for whites to the American population. The report provided a stimulus for public and private action to begin to address the health disparities between minority and nonminority populations. This article examines three of the leading causes of death for African Americans and assesses the extent to which the health disparity between African Americans and whites has been reduced. The three leading causes of death for African American males are diseases of the heart, cancer, and HIV infection/AIDS. The conditions are the same for African American females except stroke replaces HIV infection. Three health outcomes measures are discussed: life expectancy, excess death rates, and years of potential life lost. A widening of the gap between the races was found for diseases of the heart and HIV infection for males and for cancer for females. An extensive list of barriers to reducing the disparity are presented from the scientific literature and strategies for reducing the three health problems are recommended.
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    Immigration and the health of Asian and Pacific Islander adults in the United States.
    (2001) Frisbie, W P; Cho, Y; Hummer, R A
    The authors used the 1992-1995 National Health Interview Survey to examine the effect of immigrant status (both nativity and duration of residence in the United States) on the health of Asian and Pacific Islander adults by constructing models in which national origin was also specified. In logistic regression models adjusted for age, marital status, living arrangement, family size, and several socioeconomic indicators, immigrants were found to be in better health than their US-born counterparts, but their health advantages consistently decreased with duration of residence. For example, for Asian and Pacific Islander immigrants whose duration of residence was less than 5 years, 5-9 years, and 10 years or more, the odds ratios for activity limitations were 0.45 (95% confidence interval (CI): 0.33, 0.62), 0.65 (95% CI: 0.46, 0.93), and 0.73 (95% CI: 0.60, 0.90), respectively. Similar findings emerged for respondent-reported health and bed days due to illness. These results support the validity and complementarity of the migration selectivity and acculturation hypotheses. However, the picture was not uniformly positive. The health of certain Asian and Pacific Islander groups, notably Pacific Islanders and Vietnamese, was found to be less favorable than average. Finally, after adjustment for health status, immigrants seemed to have less adequate access to formal medical care.
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    Reconsidering the role of social disadvantage in physical and mental health: stressful life events, health behaviors, race, and depression.
    (2010) Mezuk, Briana; Rafferty, Jane A; Kershaw, Kiarri N; Hudson, Darrell; Abdou, Cleopatra M; Lee, Hedwig; Eaton, William W; Jackson, James S
    Prevalence of depression is associated inversely with some indicators of socioeconomic position, and the stress of social disadvantage is hypothesized to mediate this relation. Relative to whites, blacks have a higher burden of most physical health conditions but, unexpectedly, a lower burden of depression. This study evaluated an etiologic model that integrates mental and physical health to account for this counterintuitive patterning. The Baltimore Epidemiologic Catchment Area Study (Maryland, 1993-2004) was used to evaluate the interaction between stress and poor health behaviors (smoking, alcohol use, poor diet, and obesity) and risk of depression 12 years later for 341 blacks and 601 whites. At baseline, blacks engaged in more poor health behaviors and had a lower prevalence of depression compared with whites (5.9% vs. 9.2%). The interaction between health behaviors and stress was nonsignificant for whites (odds ratio (OR = 1.04, 95% confidence interval: 0.98, 1.11); for blacks, the interaction term was significant and negative (β: -0.18, P < 0.014). For blacks, the association between median stress and depression was stronger for those who engaged in zero (OR = 1.34) relative to 1 (OR = 1.12) and ≥2 (OR = 0.94) poor health behaviors. Findings are consistent with the proposed model of mental and physical health disparities.
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    Epi + demos + cracy: linking political systems and priorities to the magnitude of health inequities--evidence, gaps, and a research agenda.
    (2009) Beckfield, Jason; Krieger, Nancy
    A new focus within both social epidemiology and political sociology investigates how political systems and priorities shape health inequities. To advance-and better integrate-research on political determinants of health inequities, the authors conducted a systematic search of the ISI Web of Knowledge and PubMed databases and identified 45 studies, commencing in 1992, that explicitly and empirically tested, in relation to an a priori political hypothesis, for either 1) changes in the magnitude of health inequities or 2) significant cross-national differences in the magnitude of health inequities. Overall, 84% of the studies focused on the global North, and all clustered around 4 political factors: 1) the transition to a capitalist economy; 2) neoliberal restructuring; 3) welfare states; and 4) political incorporation of subordinated racial/ethnic, indigenous, and gender groups. The evidence suggested that the first 2 factors probably increase health inequities, the third is inconsistently related, and the fourth helps reduce them. In this review, the authors critically summarize these studies' findings, consider methodological limitations, and propose a research agenda-with careful attention to spatiotemporal scale, level, time frame (e.g., life course, historical generation), choice of health outcomes, inclusion of polities, and specification of political mechanisms-to address the enormous gaps in knowledge that were identified.
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    Environmental contributions to disparities in pregnancy outcomes.
    (2009) Miranda, Marie Lynn; Maxson, Pamela; Edwards, Sharon
    One of the most persistent disparities in American health status is the pronounced difference in birth outcomes between non-Hispanic black and non-Hispanic white women. Poor pregnancy outcomes have a substantial impact on mortality, morbidity, and health care costs. Increasing evidence indicates that environmental exposures are associated with poor birth outcomes. This paper reviews the latest research on how environmental exposures affect pregnancy outcomes and then discusses how these exposures may be embedded within a context of significant social and host factor stress. The analysis suggests that environmental, social, and host factors are cumulatively stressing non-Hispanic black women and that this cumulative stress may be a cause of the persistent disparities in pregnancy outcomes.
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    The Influence of Health Status, Age, and Race on Screening Mammography in Elderly Women
    (2005) Bynum, Julie P.; Braunstein, Joel B.; Sharkey, Phoebe; Haddad, Kathleen; Wu, Albert W.
    Background Screening mammography is controversial for elderly women because of an absence of efficacy data. Decisions to screen are based on individualized assessment of risks and benefits. Our objective was to determine how screening mammography varies by age and race when adjusted for propensity to die. Methods In a retrospective cohort study, rates of screening mammogram performed in 2000-2001 based on claims, adjusted for propensity to die in 2000, were determined for a nationally representative 5% random sample of female fee-for-service Medicare beneficiaries 65 years and older in (N = 722 310). Results The overall rate of screening was 39%. When stratified into quintiles by propensity to die, 2-year rates ranged from 61% in the lowest-risk group to 5% in the highest-risk group. In analyses stratified by age and adjusted for propensity to die, 42% of women aged 65 to 69 years were screened, declining to 26% of women 85 years and older (P<.001). Adjusted screening rates for white women, black women, and women of other races were 40%, 30%, and 25%, respectively (P<.001). Thus, among women with similar health status, the youngest women were 1.61 times more likely to be screened compared with the oldest; compared with black women and women of other races, white women were 1.38 and 1.60 times, respectively, more likely to be screened. Conclusions Decisions to screen for breast cancer are related not only to health status but also to age and race. Underuse and overuse of screening mammography likely occurs owing to age- and race-associated decision making. Assessment of life expectancy may more accurately identify women who could benefit from screening.
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    The Persistence of American Indian Health Disparities
    (2006) Jones, David S.
    Disparities in health status between American Indians and other groups in the United States have persisted throughout the 500 years since Europeans arrived in the Americas. Colonists, traders, missionaries, soldiers, physicians, and government officials have struggled to explain these disparities, invoking a wide range of possible causes. American Indians joined these debates, often suggesting different explanations. Europeans and Americans also struggled to respond to the disparities, sometimes working to relieve them, sometimes taking advantage of the ill health of American Indians. Economic and political interests have always affected both explanations of health disparities and responses to them, influencing which explanations were emphasized and which interventions were pursued. Tensions also appear in ongoing debates about the contributions of genetic and socioeconomic forces to the pervasive health disparities. Understanding how these economic and political forces have operated historically can explain both the persistence of the health disparities and the controversies that surround them.