UMD Theses and Dissertations

Permanent URI for this collectionhttp://hdl.handle.net/1903/3

New submissions to the thesis/dissertation collections are added automatically as they are received from the Graduate School. Currently, the Graduate School deposits all theses and dissertations from a given semester after the official graduation date. This means that there may be up to a 4 month delay in the appearance of a given thesis/dissertation in DRUM.

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Now showing 1 - 5 of 5
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    THE COMPARISON OF L1 AND L2 CASE PROCESSING: ERP EVIDENCE FROM TURKISH
    (2019) KARATAS, NUR BASAK; Gor, Kira; Second Language Acquisition and Application; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)
    This dissertation investigates the morphological and morphosyntactic processing of case-marking by native and nonnative speakers of Turkish, through behavioral and electrophysiological responses. The study explores the locus of case processing costs during first (L1) and second language (L2) word recognition both in isolation and in sentences. It identifies the factors leading to persistent problems that late L2 learners face in attaining native-like processing of case assignment. To this end, the first experiment (a visual lexical decision task) examines whether different case forms generate differential processing costs, based on four main comparisons that reflect case properties and its status in the inflectional paradigm: 1) structural (genitive, accusative) vs. lexical (dative) case; 2) argument (accusative, dative) vs. non-argument (genitive); 3) higher (genitive) vs. lower type frequency (accusative, dative), and 4) citation form (nominative) vs. oblique cases (genitive, accusative, dative). The behavioral findings show significantly larger processing costs (i.e., longer reaction times and lower accuracy rates) for the genitive than the nominative case (citation form) across both subject groups, and than other oblique cases in L2 group only. ERP findings show significantly larger processing costs for the genitive than the accusative, and for the dative than the accusative only in L2 group. When the same case-inflected nouns were placed in a sentence context, larger N400 effects were found for the genitive, compared to the nominative and accusative in L1 group only. Together, these results suggest that different case forms generate differential processing costs in both subject groups, and L2 learners’ difficulty with the non-argument genitive and lexical dative oblique cases are at the level of form rather than sentence structure. The second (sentence) experiment also examined the processing of case errors (i.e., substitution of the accusative for the dative or vice versa on the object). ERP findings show a qualitative difference between L1 and L2 morphosyntactic patterns: P600 was missing while early negativities (N400 and left anterior negativity, LAN) were present in L2 group. These results suggest that advanced L2 learners evaluate the verb argument structure (LAN) and semantic fit (N400), but do not attempt to reparse the sentence (P600), unlike native speakers.
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    Some theoretical issues in Japanese control
    (2006-12-04) Fujii, Tomohiro; Lasnik, Howard; Linguistics; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)
    The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of the nature of finiteness and A-movement by looking at control phenomena in Japanese, where verbal morphology sometimes does not help to identify finiteness of clauses. In so doing, the thesis addresses empirical and theoretical questions that arise from analyses of Japanese control and attempts to resolve them. The first part of the thesis, chapter 2, investigates obligatory control (OC) into tensed clauses, where embedded predicates are morphosyntactically marked for tense. Recent findings about the obligatory control/non-obligatory control dichotomy leads to the observation that tensed subordinate clauses that either cannot support past tense or present tense trigger OC and raising. It is proposed that this effect comes from the defective nature of T of such clauses and that this nonfinite T triggers OC and raising. It is shown then that the movement theory of control facilitates to instantiate this proposal and to give a principled account of a wide range of the data. Chapter 3 concerns issues of controller choice with special reference to embedded mood constructions, where mood markers are overtly realized. It is observed that controller choice is systematically correlated with the mood interpretation of complement clauses. While Japanese allows split control in the exhortative mood construction, the language lacks the mood maker that should exist if subject control over intervening objects were possible. The lack of the nonexistent mood marker is derived by the Principle of Minimal Distance. Also, a preliminary movement-based analysis is given to the actual distribution of split control. The final chapter aims to provide an empirical argument for selecting a movement theory of control over PRO-based theories by closely examining backward control and related constructions. While establishing that backward obligatory control exists in Japanese, the chapter shows that the data argue for a copy theory of movement, combined with a particular theory of chain linearization. The hypothesis that economy plays a crucial role in determining how to pronounce chains is shown to explain properties of the classic Harada/Kuroda style analysis of Counter Equi.
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    Minimality and Turkish Relative Clauses
    (2005-12-08) Cagri, Ilhan Merih; Hornstein, Norbert; Pietroski, Paul; Linguistics; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)
    Turkish relative clauses display a subject/non-subject asymmetry. The subject relative (SR) is licensed for relativization from [Spec, TP]. Whereas the non-subject relative (NSR) is never acceptable for subject relativization, the SR is licensed in clauses where there is no external argument, and when relativizing a non-subject in clauses where the subject is non-specific. Within the framework of the Minimalist Program, Turkish RCs are explained in terms of satisfaction of the EPP of T by a D feature and Minimality effects. As long as no nominal expression intervenes between the relative head and [Spec, TP], the SR is licensed. The SR, then, can be used as a diagnostic for movement through TP. Minimality effects are incurred when there is an intervening nominal between T° and the RC head, and the SR becomes unacceptable. The proposal is that in Turkish, specific nominals, +human nominals, and Experiencers of psych verbs all contain a DP projection. Non-specifics are NPs which cannot satisfy the EPP. NP subjects cannot move to [Spec, TP], and thus permit the SR form for relativization of non-subjects. NPs create intervention effects, as does PRO, with the exception of subject control PRO which is perhaps a trace of movement. Scrambling ameliorates intervention effects. Once scrambled, expressions are frozen but remain porous for movement of a subconstituent. Differences between inherent and structural Case are suggested with structural case assignment limited to DPs and in a Spec-Head configuration. Structurally case-marked DPs are barred from moving to case-assigning positions unless there is a morphological match. Further proposals include structures for verb classes, including Psych verbs, and structures for infinitivals and +human DPs. Contrastive focus is briefly addressed. Though superficially complex, relativization in Turkish can be accounted for with a minimum of technology. The suggestions here have implications for the theory of the EPP, Case, its assignment and interface conditions, feature satisfaction, and movement.
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    "Exceptional" Case-Marking and Resultative Constructions
    (2005-10-10) Hong, Soo-Min; Hornstein, Norbert; Linguistics; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md.)
    In this thesis, I present evidence that structural Case in Korean is not absolutely semantically inert. It can have a focus flavor in some contexts, for example, stacked Case and Case attached to an adverb/adverbial and a verb. This sort of Case feature may not be an embarrassment for the good design of language. I discuss the Resultative Construction in a derivational approach. We compare the Resultative Construction between English and Korean in pursuit of finding out the underlying cause for differences between the two languages.
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    On Subordination and the Distribution of PRO
    (2004-04-30) San Martin, Itziar; Uriagereka, Juan; Linguistics
    This dissertation presents a Minimalist Theory of Control. As for the distribution of PRO, it provides evidence that PRO appears in a configuration of regular Structural Case assignment. This suggests that the complementary distribution between PRO and lexical subjects is not related to Case. It also provides empirical evidence against the Movement analysis of Control, which subsumes Control under Raising, and is compatible with the theoretical view that Theta Roles are configurational, rather than Features. It also renders the so-called Null Case unnecessary. The interpretation of PRO is the result of the need of the Chain of PRO to collapse with the Chain of the antecedent in order to survive at LF. Specifically, PRO is a featureless element and it is not in the Numeration. However, the system resorts to the off-line insertion of PRO to the Derivation to satisfy Theta Theory. This is a Last Resort operation that only takes place when there is no other DP in the Numeration to satisfy the existing Theta Roles. Although it appears in a local relation to a Case assigning Probe [+T], the defective nature of PRO makes it unable to host a Case Value. By FI, the Chain of PRO collapses, in the sense of Martin (1996), with a local Chain. This derives the Control effect. The complementary distribution of NP-trace, PRO and lexical subjects correlates with the degree of defectiveness in the feature composition of T's in each instance. Raising T is Defective ([-T, -person]), Control T is Partial ([+T, -person]) and T in lexical subject licensing is Complete ([+T, +person]). Minimally, [+T] assigns Case to subjects (PRO/lexical). Complete Probes license lexical subjects, where [person] relates to the presence of C. The explanation of why lexical subjects and PRO are in complementary distribution is the following: by Minimality, Partial-T prevents the definition of a Binding Domain. Unlike PRO, lexical subjects need a Domain, and Partial-T does not provide one. Complete-T excludes PRO because Complete-T involves a CP Phase. In this context PRO lacks an antecedent with which to collapse and the Chain of PRO violates FI at LF.