History Theses and Dissertations

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    Inter-Ethnic Relations on New England's Frontier: A Survey of the Formative Period
    (1969) Cole, Robert A.; Van Ness, James S.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, MD)
    In many respects, the form and progression of the New England frontier reflects a collision, of sorts, between two disparate peoples and their two divergent cultures. As the European confronted the native American in the wilderness setting, it soon became apparent that the demise of the Indian culture was inevitable, the only salient question being as to the nature of its decline. A close examination of early Seventeenth Century relations shows the English as ambitious and militant expansionists who not only rejected the idea of cultural coexistence, but, in regarding the Indian solely from a European frame of reference, failed to make any substantial progress toward a theory of toleration. The English were highly organized, strongly motivated, and eminently successful in their pursuit of the long range goals of settlement; and it is the very cohesiveness of the Puritan frontier which best illuminates the fateful dilemma of the indigenous population. While fragmented by tribal particularism and internecine warfare, the native New Englanders were beset on all sides by enemies, European and Indian. Though willing, at first, to contest a permanent European colonial effort, their cultural resiliency was undermined by disease, and a multiplicity of negative factors which developed as their relationships with the English settlements moved toward interdependency. As the confrontation moved into the climactic period following the Pequot War, the weight of the English presence had already brought about irreversible trends in the Indian way of life. With his lands diminishing under the pressure of two converging lines of frontier settlement, he was finally left, with two impractical options, acculturation or resistance. Both charted a course to futility.
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    Slaveholding and Indentured Servitude in Seventeenth Century Maryland, 1674-1699
    (1968) Payne, Philip Marshall; Land, Aubrey C.
    This thesis is concerned with the characteristics of slaveholding and indentured servitude in seventeenth century Maryland, so far as these can be delineated from quantitative data. on the basis of a quantitative analysis of personal estates in the Inventories and Accounts of the Probate Court, several conclusions are apparent . These can best be stated in summary form in six propositions . First, estates with bond labor (slaves and/or servants) decreased from 36 per cent of the total number of estates during the period 1674 to 1679 to 24 per cent in 1695 to 1699. Second, the percentage of estates with slaves (slaves only or slaves and servants) increased from 24 per cent of those estates with bond labor in the period 1674 to 1679 to 72 per cent in 1695 to 1699. Third, the average number of slaves per estate (of those estates holding slaves) increased from 2.89 in the period 1674 to 1679 to 5.50 in 1695 to 1699. The average number of servants per estate (of those holding servants) decreased from 2.88 in the period 1674 to 1679 to 2.15 in 1695 to 1699. Fourth, those who invested 0 to 20 per cent of their total income in bond labor decreased, while those who invested 21 to 40 per cent of their total income in bond labor remained fairly constant. Those who invested 41 to 70 per cent of their total income in slaves and/or servants increased during the twenty-six year period. Fifth, there appeared to be a concentration of slaves in the hands of the wealthy. over the twenty-six year period, 17.6 per cent of the estates with bond labor held 52.2 per cent of the total number of slaves. Sixth, the average value of male slaves during the period was between L21 and L25; the average value of a female slave was Ll6 to L20 for the first several decades and L21 to L25 for the last decade. The average value for servants ranged from Ll to LlO, with the value increasing as the time of service increased.
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    A Force for Reform: The American Presbyterian Mission Press in China, 1836-1870
    (1977) Dove, Kay Lee; Folsom, Kenneth E.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    The American Presbyterian Mission Press (PMP) was a vital, if indirect, force in stimulating intellectual reform in China. During its early years, 1836-1870, the PMP developed technological innovations in the printing of the Chinese language that led to the modernization of the Chinese printing industry, which, in turn, provided textbooks for modern education and periodical literature for the development of public opinion. At the same time, the Press trained a corps of Chinese in modern printing technology, which was then able to apply this training in Chinese private and governmental printing offices. The PMP worked with Chinese printing establishments, selling them Chinese type and assisting them to purchase printing presses and other equipment which was necessary for use with metal movable type. Before the 19th century Chinese printing had become a finely developed art, but by this time, printing technology in Europe and America had modernized, and it was more efficient and less expensive. Type founders and missionaries in Europe and Asia reduced the 40,000-character Chinese language to amanageable number by determining which characters were necessary for printing Christian literature. Then they mass-produced them in metal movable type. The PMP was the pioneer that succeeded in this effort, thereby modernizing China's printing industry and promoting the massive introduction of Western secular as well as religious thought. The modernization of China in general rests upon the modernization of the printing industry, for this development preceded and made possible the reforms which followed it.
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    Clio at College Park: The Teaching of History at the University of Maryland, 1859-1968
    (1978) Ross, Martha Jackson; Rundell, Walter Jr; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    The evolution of the teaching of history at the University of Maryland reflects both the changing role of history as a course of study and the altered status of history as a scholarly discipline. After a succession of history teachers with degrees in English or political science, the first professor with a history Ph.D., Hayes Baker-Crothers, came to Maryland in 1925. Other trained historians followed, but growth was slow. In 1940, President H.C. Byrd hired Wesley M. Gewehr to head the History Department. In the wake of stresses of World War II, dissension between Byrd and Gewehr caused even more neglect than might otherwise have accrued to a "service" department. History appointments, salaries, and facilities all suffered from Byrd's hostility throughout his administration. Four years after Byrd resigned in 1954, Gewehr retired, leaving to his successor, Aubrey C. Land, the task of developing a true university department with the support of the new president, Wilson H. Elkins. With worthwhile objectives but an abrasive manner, Land alienated a significant number of his senior faculty, especially those who had been close to Gewehr. Eventually, Land lost the confidence and support of the administration and withdrew as department head. An interim committee administered the department under the direction of Dean Charles Manning until a new chairman, David A. Shannon, was chosen in 1965. A recognized scholar, Shannon attracted a number of distinguished historians in a variety of scholarly fields before departing after three years. With a faculty of achievement and promise, the University of Maryland moved to capitalize on its advantageous location near the nation's capital to establish a History Department of the first rank.
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    Anglo-American Relations, 1789-1794
    (1976) Mezzullo, Louis A.; Gordon, Donald C.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    The thesis is a study of certain internal and external events that affected the development of Anglo-American relations during the period from 1789 to 1794. It examines the international situation b efore and after the adoption of the Constitution in 1789, aspects of British policy toward the United States during this period, the diplomatic mission of Gouverneur Morris, the struggle in Congress over the resolutions introduced by James Madison designed to discriminate against British shipping, and finally, the events leading up to the appointment of John Jay as envoy extraordinary to Great Britain. The narrative and analysis is based on printed secondary and primary sources. The central theme is that the policy advocated by Alexander Hamilton, and supported by most of the Federalists, was on the whole the one best suited to the strengths and weaknesses, internal and external, of the United States during this early stage in its development. Viewed in a contemporary setting, a policy that sought to avoid war and retain commercial intercourse with Great Britain was not only essential to the success of the financial system erected by Hamilton but also necessary to prevent internal disunity and loss of territory as a result of a disastrous war. The Hamiltonian system rested on credit, and that credit was supported by import duties. By far the largest amount of imports came from Great Britain. Internal disunity, exemplified by separatist movements in the west and in Vermont, was an ever present consideration. The United States was not strong militarily. By remaining at peace, America gained time to reduce the national debt, develop internally, and improve the administration of the national government.
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    The Organization and Use of the Maryland Militia in The Whiskey Rebellion, 1794
    (1978) Rogers, Robin Michael; Bradbury, Miles; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    This thesis is directed at the use of the Maryland militia during the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 in western Pennsylvania. The call for militia, made by President Washington, was not well received in the state. The quota was not tilled, and attempts to fill it touched off riots in western Maryland. These riots made another call necessary, this time made by Maryland Governor Thomas Sim Less. Only Maryland troops were requested, and the quota was filled completely and quickly. The difference in the militia's response is an important part of this thesis because it affords an examination of the condition of federal state relations in the first few years after the ratification of the Constitution. Evidence discussed in this thesis provides material from which several conclusions may be drawn. The examination of the federal and state militia law shows that the federal government was uncertain of its position in attempting to dictate legislation to the states. The state government was uncertain too, about how much it should be dictated to. The result of these uncertainties was a set of weak militia laws that left the responsibility of the obedience to them up the individual militia men. Indeed, the two governments were not only unsure of their positions with each other, but also unsure of their position with the citizens. They were not certain that the citizens would support militia laws, or militia calls. The difference in the militia's response to the two calls also shows that the militia was not certain of its responsibility to answer a requisition. Troops from Maryland were much more concerned with protecting their own state, and possibly homes and families, than they were with protecting the federal government's whiskey excise. Aside from the natural desire for self preservation, the difference indicates that the militia and its leaders were willing to inconvenience themselves for the state, but not for the Union.
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    The Poe Amendment's Defeat: Maryland Voters Reject the Negro Disfrancisement Movement, 1903-1905
    (1967) Goll, Eugene W.; Merrill, Horace S.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    The Poe amendment resulted from the increase of anti-Negro feeling in the very early 1900's and dominated Maryland politics from 1903 to 1905. Through this amendment, the Democratic party under Senator Arthur P. Gorman would have disfranchised Maryland's Negroes. The racist movements of the South and anti-Negro sentiments of a segment of the Baltimore press affected Democratic thinking. The Democrats scored an overwhelming victory in the 1903 state election and pushed the amendment through the 1904 meeting of the Legislature. The Legislature sent the measure to the people as a referendum in the November 1905 election. If passed, it would have placed much power in the hands of election officials. In 1904, however, resistance to the proposal emerged, first by Governor Edwin Warfield and later by other leading Democrats. In addition, the newspapers lessened their racist tone. The amendment threatened the Republican party; its members strongly fought it. They received help at this critical point from Secretary of the Navy, Charles J. Bonaparte, who led and solidified the party. In particular, the Bonaparte-led Republicans utilized the foreign community and apprehensive third parties. They also received negative help from the Baltimore Democratic organization under I. Freeman Rasin which gave the amendment little support. Further, the election eve saw a number of leading Democrats such as Senator Isidor Rayner squabbling publicly over the amendment. Thus, the voters did not trust Gorman and his organization, did not fear the threat of Negro domination, and thoroughly defeated the amendment throughout most of the state.
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    The British in the Arctic, 1818-1829
    (1971) Lowry, Peter Joseph; Gordon, Donald C.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    This thesis will concern itself with British involvement in the Arctic during the period 1818 to 1829. This study seeks to determine and to explain why the British decided to go into the Arctic after the Napoleonic Wars, what happened in the various expeditions that were sent out, and what results were achieved from such an investigation. Various forces, motives and prominent figures are examined to establish the kind of rationale that induced government to sponsor not only one expedition but to embark upon a sustained and continuing series of exploration in the Arctic regions. A recurrent theme that presents itself throughout this quest - and a notion that had held the minds of men for centuries - was the road to Cathay. In order to achieve this dream, British policy was directed towards the discovery of a north-west passage or, failing that, a quicker route to the east via the North Pole. By 1829 the British had become disheartened in the quest. Again and again expeditions had returned without having achieved their goals. The most immediate and obvious success was, of course, the opening up of the North American continent bordering the Arctic Ocean. The other major achievements were the discoveries and additions given to science.
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    The Failure of the Bank of Bombay, 1840-1868
    (1971) Lovell, Carol Grace; Gordon, Donald; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, MD)
    When the American Civil War broke out and cut off the chief source of cotton to the European trade, the price of cotton rose and merchants and cotton dealers in Bombay were given the opportunity of realizing profits previously unheard of. These profits as they returned to Bombay, produced a plethora of wealth far beyond the requirements of a bona fide trade. Therefore an extraordinary means of investment became a necessity. People came to possess money for which they saw no legitimate vent and so hunted out new schemes in which to invest their money. Diverse, bubble concerns sprang up and Bombay went mad with the spirit of speculation. Shares rose to a price which invariably led to the formation of more, and credit was extended and speculation encouraged. The Bank of Bombay, chartered in 1840, one of the three Presidency Banks of India, played a prominent role in fostering this speculation. Under a new charter, Act X of 1863, which relaxed its previous strict banking code and with weak, unknowledgeable officials as managers who had come under the corruption of Premchund Roychund, the greatest entrepreneur of the island, the bank broke every sound principle of business finance. The Government of India seemingly the protector of the bank, in truth had no effective control over the bank's practices. The panic which followed the cessation of hostilities in America brought about a reaction in prices in Bombay. Buyers could no longer be found for shares in the market place and soon the new companies were forced to liquidate. The Bank of Bombay unfortunately continued to practice unsound banking practices, and kept on advancing money on poor security. Finally in January 1868 the Bank of Bombay went into liquidation. It returned only about one-fiftieth on a fully paid share. A Royal Commission chosen by Governor General Lawrence performed an investigation into the causes of the failure of the bank. The report issued by this Commission condemned the management of the bank and the unorthodox banking procedures granted by the Government Act of 1863, citing the exceptional nature of the times which should have caused more vigilance on the part of everyone concerned with the bank. The new Bank of Bombay, Limited, which was chartered shortly thereafter, flourished, profiting by its predecessor's example and reverting to a strict charter and wise, experienced management.
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    The Muse Dons Khaki: American Songs and Music of World War I
    (1963) Kelly, Jacquelin Joan; Prange, Gordon W.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)
    During the years 1917 and 1918 the United States participated in a "war to end all wars." During the conflict the government deliberately enlisted the power of song both at home and on the fighting front to help in the great task of winning the war. The idea of organized singing in the training of the U. S. Army was comparatively new at the time America entered World War I, but it soon came to be recognized as an integral part of the training itself. The government encouraged singing in the army both on marches and in leisure-time groups because it contributed substantially to the enjoyment, contentment and efficiency of the soldier. The ballads, however, that eased tired muscles after a long days march and boosted morale after a day of heavy fighting were not government sponsored songs, but parodies and GI folk songs that the Sammies themselves composed. These ditties gave glimpses of the real army, the friendly rivalry between the various branches and the traditional humor of the service. Such songs, though lusty and bawdy, preserved for posterity the spirit of the A.E.F. Then, too, songs and music proved to be of great value to the "stay-at-homes" during World War I. Our "army of the interior" responded readily to the stimulus of music. It participated in "Liberty Sings," "Bond Singing," and "Four-minute Singing" in the nation's theaters. The civilian community wanted to sing popular patriotic songs because it then felt a closer relationship to loved ones who were in service. In addition, song fests satisfied man's natural craving for security and inspiration. During the American period of the war, Tin Pan Alley rushed to the fore and supplied the country with no less than nine thousand songs from 1917 to 1919. Such ditties buoyed up sunken spirits, boosted morale, and made for a united force on the home front. Songs are usually a yardstick of the times and give us a clue as to what the entire populace is thinking or how it feels about certain issues. The songs and music of our country from 1914 to 1919 reflected not only the history but moods, manners and impulses that constituted the American way of life. In 1914 and 1915 our songs exhibited a staunch pacifism and a fervent desire to remain aloof from the political entanglements in Europe. However, in 1916, 1917 and 1918 the pacifism which had been exhibited earlier in our songs gave way to a surging pride and a firm determination to win the war. Then in 1919 our songs reflected the relief and happiness that came when the task of war was over. Music during World War I was not a luxury or a gift but a necessity. Songs were indispensable to our armed forces, but they were also a necessity for those who had to remain behind, to hope, to pray and to wait.