History Theses and Dissertations
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Item Inter-Ethnic Relations on New England's Frontier: A Survey of the Formative Period(1969) Cole, Robert A.; Van Ness, James S.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, MD)In many respects, the form and progression of the New England frontier reflects a collision, of sorts, between two disparate peoples and their two divergent cultures. As the European confronted the native American in the wilderness setting, it soon became apparent that the demise of the Indian culture was inevitable, the only salient question being as to the nature of its decline. A close examination of early Seventeenth Century relations shows the English as ambitious and militant expansionists who not only rejected the idea of cultural coexistence, but, in regarding the Indian solely from a European frame of reference, failed to make any substantial progress toward a theory of toleration. The English were highly organized, strongly motivated, and eminently successful in their pursuit of the long range goals of settlement; and it is the very cohesiveness of the Puritan frontier which best illuminates the fateful dilemma of the indigenous population. While fragmented by tribal particularism and internecine warfare, the native New Englanders were beset on all sides by enemies, European and Indian. Though willing, at first, to contest a permanent European colonial effort, their cultural resiliency was undermined by disease, and a multiplicity of negative factors which developed as their relationships with the English settlements moved toward interdependency. As the confrontation moved into the climactic period following the Pequot War, the weight of the English presence had already brought about irreversible trends in the Indian way of life. With his lands diminishing under the pressure of two converging lines of frontier settlement, he was finally left, with two impractical options, acculturation or resistance. Both charted a course to futility.Item Slaveholding and Indentured Servitude in Seventeenth Century Maryland, 1674-1699(1968) Payne, Philip Marshall; Land, Aubrey C.This thesis is concerned with the characteristics of slaveholding and indentured servitude in seventeenth century Maryland, so far as these can be delineated from quantitative data. on the basis of a quantitative analysis of personal estates in the Inventories and Accounts of the Probate Court, several conclusions are apparent . These can best be stated in summary form in six propositions . First, estates with bond labor (slaves and/or servants) decreased from 36 per cent of the total number of estates during the period 1674 to 1679 to 24 per cent in 1695 to 1699. Second, the percentage of estates with slaves (slaves only or slaves and servants) increased from 24 per cent of those estates with bond labor in the period 1674 to 1679 to 72 per cent in 1695 to 1699. Third, the average number of slaves per estate (of those estates holding slaves) increased from 2.89 in the period 1674 to 1679 to 5.50 in 1695 to 1699. The average number of servants per estate (of those holding servants) decreased from 2.88 in the period 1674 to 1679 to 2.15 in 1695 to 1699. Fourth, those who invested 0 to 20 per cent of their total income in bond labor decreased, while those who invested 21 to 40 per cent of their total income in bond labor remained fairly constant. Those who invested 41 to 70 per cent of their total income in slaves and/or servants increased during the twenty-six year period. Fifth, there appeared to be a concentration of slaves in the hands of the wealthy. over the twenty-six year period, 17.6 per cent of the estates with bond labor held 52.2 per cent of the total number of slaves. Sixth, the average value of male slaves during the period was between L21 and L25; the average value of a female slave was Ll6 to L20 for the first several decades and L21 to L25 for the last decade. The average value for servants ranged from Ll to LlO, with the value increasing as the time of service increased.Item Henry Theodore Tuckerman as Revealed in his Published Works(1959) Ellsworth, Richard Grant; Beall, Otho T.; American Civilization; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)Henry Theodore Tuckerman, as revealed in his published works, was, in many ways, a model of the mid-nineteenth century American. In his travel accounts, his historical and biographical scholarship, his social and political attitudes, his artistic and literary criteria, is revealed his sincere allegiance to the Romantic Idealism which dominated his day. This allegiance is shown in his belief in the fundamental goodness and inevitable progress of mankind; in his basic individualism, an almost transcendental egocentrism, which mystically identified the human soul with God, and interpreted self-reliance in terms of intuitional supranatural apprehension; in his dichotomization of his realities, separating the Ideal from the practical, the intuitive from the reasonable, the commonplace from the beautiful, the here and now from the distant and the past; in his acceptance of Nature as the representation of the Ideal, and of the feminine as the symbol of the Beautiful; in his fealty to emotion and sympathy as the mystical keys to all human relationships; in his strict and didactic morality; and in his professed national ism and proclamation of divine purpose and destiny in America . Yet, he was conservative in his personal refusal to become involved in reformism, in either outright abolitionism or feminism; in his determined and maintained attitude of Brahmin aloofness from "the herd" and "the multitude"; in his willingness to submit himself to governmental mandate, to support, at least nominally, what was legal and generally accepted; and in his overly-developed and almost unnatural reticence which prevented his from ever achieving that intense ego-exploration imperative within the Romantic philosophy. His published works reveal him to have been profoundly influenced by three major factors in his private live: his mother's death, his Italian residence, and his deep aversion for the commercial life. Possibly, in his need for social (and, especially, feminine) acceptability, his adoration of the ideal woman, and, perhaps, his easy acceptance of the sentimental and the emotional. His Italian travels and residence introduced him to the artistic experience and instilled in him a determination to devote his life to the Beautiful and to the encouragement of its creation and appreciation. And His aversion to the common precepts and standards demanded by American commercialistic enterprise influenced this decision, and shaped his life philosophy in its declaration of an over-stressed materiality in American life, and consequent under-development of the spiritual and the intellectual. With the exception of some of his better poems, Tuckerman's travel accounts best reveal his personal attitutdes and feelings toward his time and his world. As a scholar, Tuckerman read widely, but not deeply. His recorded perceptions almost always appear to be reflections of the parallel conclusions of his greater contemporaries. But he considered his theories his own, and, although he often documented a though or a conclusion, he never admitted to an intellectual debt or spiritual guidance. Tuckerman's greatest significance is in his constant effort to popularize the Beautiful, and thus to enrich American life. He sought always to broaden the public perceptions, to increase American aesthetic appreciation, to combat American reoccupation with commercialism. He was ever the propagandizer for good taste and cultural cultivation. His published works all evidence this. As a recorder of travels, he encouraged an appreciation for European cultural achievement. As a historian and biographer, he was narrative and moralistic. As a literary and art critic, he ever diligently encouraged the writer and the artist, and always sympathetically explained and interpreted to their audience. As a poet and author in his own right, although he often proved sympathetic with the sentimental demands of his age, he, nevertheless, in spite of such lapses, always strove to broaden the public outlook toward the Beautiful and the Cultural as he perceived them to be. That his audience appreciated his effort is readily apparent in his evident contemporary popularity. But his death and the end of his social influence, the broad standard and contemporary nature of his appeal , and the swiftly changing public interest, all combined to prove his fame ephemeral, and to banish him to a modern obscurity unworthy of his sincere intent and effort, and obvious contemporary accomplishment. Henry Theodore Tuckerman deserves to be remembered not only for his yet-standard biographical scholarship, and his service as a historian of art and artists in America, but also for his exemplary thought and attitude, the cultured reflections of the literary and artistic standards of mid-nineteenth century America.Item British Influence in Mesopotemia 1900-1914(1957) Amin, Abdul Amir; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)Although several European powers showed early interest in the Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia, its natural land extension, Britain was more successful than her rivals in exploiting commercial and political possibilities in the area, and over a period of three centuries gradually emerged as the dominant foreign power there.Item The Poe Amendment's Defeat: Maryland Voters Reject the Negro Disfrancisement Movement, 1903-1905(1967) Goll, Eugene W.; Merrill, Horace S.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)The Poe amendment resulted from the increase of anti-Negro feeling in the very early 1900's and dominated Maryland politics from 1903 to 1905. Through this amendment, the Democratic party under Senator Arthur P. Gorman would have disfranchised Maryland's Negroes. The racist movements of the South and anti-Negro sentiments of a segment of the Baltimore press affected Democratic thinking. The Democrats scored an overwhelming victory in the 1903 state election and pushed the amendment through the 1904 meeting of the Legislature. The Legislature sent the measure to the people as a referendum in the November 1905 election. If passed, it would have placed much power in the hands of election officials. In 1904, however, resistance to the proposal emerged, first by Governor Edwin Warfield and later by other leading Democrats. In addition, the newspapers lessened their racist tone. The amendment threatened the Republican party; its members strongly fought it. They received help at this critical point from Secretary of the Navy, Charles J. Bonaparte, who led and solidified the party. In particular, the Bonaparte-led Republicans utilized the foreign community and apprehensive third parties. They also received negative help from the Baltimore Democratic organization under I. Freeman Rasin which gave the amendment little support. Further, the election eve saw a number of leading Democrats such as Senator Isidor Rayner squabbling publicly over the amendment. Thus, the voters did not trust Gorman and his organization, did not fear the threat of Negro domination, and thoroughly defeated the amendment throughout most of the state.Item The Muse Dons Khaki: American Songs and Music of World War I(1963) Kelly, Jacquelin Joan; Prange, Gordon W.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)During the years 1917 and 1918 the United States participated in a "war to end all wars." During the conflict the government deliberately enlisted the power of song both at home and on the fighting front to help in the great task of winning the war. The idea of organized singing in the training of the U. S. Army was comparatively new at the time America entered World War I, but it soon came to be recognized as an integral part of the training itself. The government encouraged singing in the army both on marches and in leisure-time groups because it contributed substantially to the enjoyment, contentment and efficiency of the soldier. The ballads, however, that eased tired muscles after a long days march and boosted morale after a day of heavy fighting were not government sponsored songs, but parodies and GI folk songs that the Sammies themselves composed. These ditties gave glimpses of the real army, the friendly rivalry between the various branches and the traditional humor of the service. Such songs, though lusty and bawdy, preserved for posterity the spirit of the A.E.F. Then, too, songs and music proved to be of great value to the "stay-at-homes" during World War I. Our "army of the interior" responded readily to the stimulus of music. It participated in "Liberty Sings," "Bond Singing," and "Four-minute Singing" in the nation's theaters. The civilian community wanted to sing popular patriotic songs because it then felt a closer relationship to loved ones who were in service. In addition, song fests satisfied man's natural craving for security and inspiration. During the American period of the war, Tin Pan Alley rushed to the fore and supplied the country with no less than nine thousand songs from 1917 to 1919. Such ditties buoyed up sunken spirits, boosted morale, and made for a united force on the home front. Songs are usually a yardstick of the times and give us a clue as to what the entire populace is thinking or how it feels about certain issues. The songs and music of our country from 1914 to 1919 reflected not only the history but moods, manners and impulses that constituted the American way of life. In 1914 and 1915 our songs exhibited a staunch pacifism and a fervent desire to remain aloof from the political entanglements in Europe. However, in 1916, 1917 and 1918 the pacifism which had been exhibited earlier in our songs gave way to a surging pride and a firm determination to win the war. Then in 1919 our songs reflected the relief and happiness that came when the task of war was over. Music during World War I was not a luxury or a gift but a necessity. Songs were indispensable to our armed forces, but they were also a necessity for those who had to remain behind, to hope, to pray and to wait.Item The United States Army's Contribution to the Marshall Mission in China January 1, 1946, to March 1, 1947(1957) Wilson, Wesley Carlton; Prange, Gordon W.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)Item Elard von Oldenburg-Januschau - The Portrait of a Junker under William II(1954) von Mayr, Wilfred Ernest von Mayr; Bauer, Richard H.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)Item The Woman Suffrage Movement in Maryland from 1870 to 1920(1962) Son, Mal Hee; Chatelain, Verne E.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)A study of woman suffrage movement in Maryland in the period from the Civil War to the First World War reveals not only the stubborn opposition and almost insurmountable difficulties con.fronting the crusaders in this cause, but also the unexpected capacity for organization and the courageous fighting qualities of women in this historic battle. In Maryland's conservative society, the feminist movement was often ridiculed; and it faced repeated disappointments even until the enactment of the Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment in 1920. Yet, it seems clear that, throughout the long struggle, the greatest single factor in achieving this major reform in Maryland society was the unquenchable spirit of the women who conducted the suffrage campaign. There were, in fact, many outstanding Maryland feminists during this period who plainly demonstrated the ability and intelligence to analyze and to manage matters of great civic and political importance . Among these, Mrs. Caroline Miller, Mrs. J. William Funck, Mrs. Elizabeth King Ellicott, and Mrs. Donald R. Hooker possibly deserve the highest accolades, although there were also others hardly less worthy of attention. This demonstrated capacity and competence in public affairs of women in Maryland was eventually recognized even after the Maryland State Assembly had finally voted to reject the Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment on the grounds of its invasion of the sacred precincts of State Rights. And it is worth notice that while Maryland has not) to this day) seen fit to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment) it has now quite capitulated to the principle of equal rights for women.Item The Administration of Ottoman Algeria (1517-1830)(1962) Roughton, Richard Allen; Rivlin, Helen A.; History; Digital Repository at the University of Maryland; University of Maryland (College Park, Md)In the early sixteenth century Aruc and Hayru'd-Din Barbarossa established themselves as successful pirate captains in the western Mediterranean Sea. Aruc, the leader of their enterprises until his death in 1518, became aware of the political vacuum which existed in the Magrib and as a result worked to establish a personal kingdom. In 1517, he was invited to Algiers to drive out the Spanish and was killed fighting to maintain his position there. Hayru'd-Din then assumed control of Algiers and brought that city and all the territory he subsequently conquered into the Ottoman Empire. Barbarossa was unable to consolidate his position in North Africa and he withdrew to Cicelli because of the opposition of Spain and the rebellious tribes in the area around Algiers. By 1525 Hayru'd-Din was in a position to return to Algiers and fight successfully against his Spanish adversaries. In a series of military engagements the corsair reduced the Spanish Empire in North Africa to one enclave, Oran, and defeated the Spanish fleet. The Ottoman Sultan, Suleyman I, took notice of these accomplishments and made Barbarossa Kaptan Pasa (admiral) of the Turkish fleet. With Hayru'd-Din as admiral, the Ottoman navy dominated the Mediterranean Sea. Following Hayru'd-Din's death in 1546, control of Algiers passed quickly from the Barbarossa family to the Janissaries stationed in the Pasalik (province). While the province continued to recognize the Turkish Sultan as suzerain, political control remained in the hands of the Janissaries until the French conquest of Algeria in 1830. The fiction of direct Ottoman control was eventually abandoned when in 1710 the Sultan issued a firman (decree) that vested executive authority in a Dey elected by the Turkish soldiers stationed in Algeria. Despite the dominant role played by the Janissaries in Algeria, their economic dependence on the activities of the Ta'ifa ul-Ru'asa (corporation of corsair captains) forced them to share some political power with that body. The Ta'ifa ul-Ru'asa was ultimately responsible' for the institution of the Deylik in 1671 when the army failed to keep order in the Pasalik. The country did not suffer greatly from the political changes that occurred throughout this period, since the administration of the state remained in the hands of a bureaucracy which competently carried out the duties of government and maintained law and order. Indeed, though over half of the thirty elected Deys were assassinated, Algeria still functioned as a solvent, effective and generally well-ordered state. Eventually, however, the Pasalik's preoccupation with piracy and the designs of an Empire-conscious French minister l led Ottoman Algeria to the fatal conflict with France and to ultimate extinction.