A theory of generalized pied-piping
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The purpose of this thesis is to construct a theory to derive how pied-piping of formal features of a moved element takes place, by which some syntactic phenomena related to phi-features can be accounted for. Ura (2001) proposes that pied-piping of formal-features of a moved element is constrained by an economy condition like relativized minimality. On the basis of Ura’s (2001) proposal, I propose that how far an element that undergoes movement can carry its formal features, especially focusing on phi-features in this thesis, is determined by two conditions, a locality condition on the generalized pied-piping and an anti-locality condition on movement. Given the proposed analysis, some patterns of so-called wh-agreement found in Bantu languages can be explained and with the assumption that phi-features play an role for binding, presence or absence of WCO effects in various languages can be derived without recourse to A/A'-distinctions.