A theory of generalized pied-piping
| dc.contributor.advisor | Lasnik, Howard | en_US |
| dc.contributor.author | Funakoshi, Sayaka | en_US |
| dc.contributor.department | Linguistics | en_US |
| dc.contributor.publisher | Digital Repository at the University of Maryland | en_US |
| dc.contributor.publisher | University of Maryland (College Park, Md.) | en_US |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2015-09-18T05:55:27Z | |
| dc.date.available | 2015-09-18T05:55:27Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2015 | en_US |
| dc.description.abstract | The purpose of this thesis is to construct a theory to derive how pied-piping of formal features of a moved element takes place, by which some syntactic phenomena related to phi-features can be accounted for. Ura (2001) proposes that pied-piping of formal-features of a moved element is constrained by an economy condition like relativized minimality. On the basis of Ura’s (2001) proposal, I propose that how far an element that undergoes movement can carry its formal features, especially focusing on phi-features in this thesis, is determined by two conditions, a locality condition on the generalized pied-piping and an anti-locality condition on movement. Given the proposed analysis, some patterns of so-called wh-agreement found in Bantu languages can be explained and with the assumption that phi-features play an role for binding, presence or absence of WCO effects in various languages can be derived without recourse to A/A'-distinctions. | en_US |
| dc.identifier | https://doi.org/10.13016/M2FD0T | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/1903/17060 | |
| dc.language.iso | en | en_US |
| dc.subject.pqcontrolled | Linguistics | en_US |
| dc.subject.pquncontrolled | Bantu languages | en_US |
| dc.subject.pquncontrolled | locality | en_US |
| dc.subject.pquncontrolled | pied-piping | en_US |
| dc.subject.pquncontrolled | Weak Crossover | en_US |
| dc.title | A theory of generalized pied-piping | en_US |
| dc.type | Dissertation | en_US |
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