Information and Incrementality in Syntactic Bootstrapping

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2015

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Abstract

Some words are harder to learn than others. For instance, action verbs like "run" and "hit" are learned earlier than propositional attitude verbs like "think" and "want." One reason "think" and "want" might be learned later is that, whereas we can see and hear running and hitting, we can't see or hear thinking and wanting. Children nevertheless learn these verbs, so a route other than the senses must exist. There is mounting evidence that this route involves, in large part, inferences based on the distribution of syntactic contexts a propositional attitude verb occurs in---a process known as "syntactic bootstrapping." This fact makes the domain of propositional attitude verbs a prime proving ground for models of syntactic bootstrapping.

With this in mind, this dissertation has two goals: on the one hand, it aims to construct a computational model of syntactic bootstrapping; on the other, it aims to use this model to investigate the limits on the amount of information about propositional attitude verb meanings that can be gleaned from syntactic distributions. I show throughout the dissertation that these goals are mutually supportive.

In Chapter 1, I set out the main problems that drive the investigation. In Chapters 2 and 3, I use both psycholinguistic experiments and computational modeling to establish that there is a significant amount of semantic information carried in both participants' syntactic acceptability judgments and syntactic distributions in corpora. To investigate the nature of this relationship I develop two computational models: (i) a nonnegative model of (semantic-to-syntactic) projection and (ii) a nonnegative model of syntactic bootstrapping. In Chapter 4, I use a novel variant of the Human Simulation Paradigm to show that the information carried in syntactic distribution is actually utilized by (simulated) learners. In Chapter 5, I present a proposal for how to solve a standing problem in how syntactic bootstrapping accounts for certain kinds of cross-linguistic variation. And in Chapter 6, I conclude with future directions for this work.

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