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  <title>DRUM Collection: Linguistics Research Works</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1624" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1624</id>
  <updated>2013-05-21T11:08:38Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2013-05-21T11:08:38Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>Quantification and Second-Order Monadicity</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/1903/4009" />
    <author>
      <name>Pietroski, Paul</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/1903/4009</id>
    <updated>2007-12-01T05:08:47Z</updated>
    <published>2003-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Quantification and Second-Order Monadicity
Authors: Pietroski, Paul
Abstract: The first part of this paper reviews some developments regarding the apparent mismatch between the logical and grammatical forms of quantificational constructions like 'Pat kicked every bottle'. I suggest that (even given quantifier-raising) many current theories still posit an undesirable mismatch. But all is well if we can treat determiners (words like 'every', 'no', and 'most') as second-order monadic predicates without treating them as predicates satisfied by ordered pairs of sets. Drawing on George Boolos's construal of second-order quantification as plural quantification, I argue that we can and should view determiners as predicates satisfied (plurally) by ordered pairs each of which associates an entity with a truth-value (t or f). The idea is 'every' is satisfied by some pairs iff every one of them associates its entity with t. It turns out that this provides a kind of explanation for the "conservativity" of determiners. And it lets us say that concatenation signifies predicate-conjunction even in phrases like 'every bottle' and 'no brown dog'.</summary>
    <dc:date>2003-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
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